In his tour de force on the Charles Taylor war crimes trial in the last edition (New Africa Analysis, 17th-31st August), Peter Penfold provided the clearest explanation I’ve read so far of the genesis of the trial and why Taylor is in the dock.  He reported the media frenzy caused by the appearance in The Hague of supermodel Naomi Campbell and film star Mia Farrow.Well, that media frenzy meant that the trial was a lead story across the world and in Britain for days. Did she receive the stones? Did she know they were blood diamonds?  Did she know who they were from? Did she lie at the trial?

It is all too often the case that reports of natural disasters and human suffering can only hold our attentions for the short-term. Niger’s current food crisis, which has been festering since 2005, serves to remind us that once the cameras have left and we turn our attentions elsewhere, suffering countries continue grapple with their burdensome plight.

The rate of food insecurity in the West African country is believed to have tripled since last year, with horrific consequences for children. Recent statistics show that 17 percent of children under five years old are suffering from acute malnutrition and life threatening conditions. ‘In some areas, there is a 50 percent malnutrition rate for children under two. Many of these children will not survive,’ says Gianluca Ferrera, deputy director for the UN world food programme (WFP) in Niger.

The crisis, caused by factors such as pest infestations, drought-like weather and crop failure, will leave Nigeriens living in dire conditions and pinning hopes of recovery on the October harvest, which may produce little or no crops. Until the harvest, an estimated 7.8 million people are expected to endure the crisis without food reserves.

Christian Aid, among other charitable organisation, is working actively to highlight the severity of the crisis and to raise the money that is so sorely needed. However, donations have been slow to come or paltry, meaning that they are still USD107m shy of their target.It is for this reason that we are highlighting the endemic plight of Niger’s people. We hope that you will join us by offering your support and assistance in any way you can.

All Photos Credited to: Mike Goldwater/Christian Aid

Wild celebrations have broken out in the capital Kigali as early results have indicated that incumbent President Paul Kagame is headed towards a landslide victory. The festivities signal an end to a period of political tension that has been induced by the closure of media houses and countless arrests across the country. The country’s electoral commission chairman, Chrysologue Karangwa confirmed to New Africa Analysis that figures displayed on a large screen which informed crowds at the celebration that Kagame is in the lead, having won 93.2% of the votes cast in 14 out of Rwanda’s 30 polling districts were accurate. While the main opposition candidate Jean Damascene Ntawukuriryayo of the Social Democratic Party (PSD), was second with 4.2% of the vote.

The former Archbishop of Cape Town and one of the most important public figures in South Africa has announced that he is stepping down from public life after decades of tireless work as a churchman and as the conscience of South Africa.

A simple answer has never been found. So, when in the wake of the post-election violence of 2007-8 and the use of hate speech by power or wealth-hungry politicians and the broadcasting of hate speech by radio stations, the Kenyan power-sharing government sought to introduce hate speech legislation it was a tough task.

Laws came into force in March this year to ban the use of hate speech that would threaten peace, the coexistence of different communities and national security. They were immediately criticised within Kenya and also by NGOs, like Article XIX, which champion freedom of speech and the media. Critics worry that legislation could be used to stifle free speech and dissent. But like all those who try to prevent hate speech and incitement, the Kenyan government is caught between a rock and a hard place.

According to the federal government the N10 billion naira ($66 million USD) budgeted for the nation’s 50th independence anniversary in October this year was done, long before now by the Yar’adua administration and not the responsibility of the Jonathan government. This reaction came from the Spokesperson of the Government, the minister of information and communications, Prof Dora Akunyili who said that the initial budget of N62million ‘represents line items inserted in the budget of three ministries for the normal low key annual independence anniversary celebration’.

This reaction many Nigerians felt amounted to double standard by the Jonathan government. Because it is improper to place responsibility on late President Umaru Musa Yar’adua for the said whopping sum of money which appeared in the supplementary budget sent to the National Assembly for approval, while it made no effort to reduce same if it actually believed the said amount was far beyond reasonable limits.

President Jonathan had earlierslashed the budget earlier sent to the National Assembly by N400billion as at the time he was sending a supplementary budget of N600billion, which included the controversial N10billion meant for the celebrations. This seemingly innocuous action may appear suspicious when juxtaposed against the fact that the 2011 elections are fast approaching. Discerning minds may easily read meanings into this, suspecting that a substantial part of this amount will be stashed away for these elections.

Nigeria, they reasoned is well endowed, with only a few nations on this planet that can stake a better claim. With millions of barrels of crude being pumped out daily, and with the second largest gas reserve in the world, yet poverty had gone up. There is failure of governance at all levels, so much corruption and lack of transparency and accountability which have eroded the credibility of government. Today, Nigeria is seen by many as a collapsing nation. One thing however that is clear is that Nigeria as a state had long relinquished its functions and obligations to its citizens , with individuals and groups that can afford, providing clean water, electricity, education for their children and wards, security for their life and property and many more. Nigerians dare ask, where then are the obligations of the state to its people?

Nigerians including members of the political elite see government action as a clear misplacement of priority, insensitive and irresponsible, with little consideration towards the plight of its citizens who continue to wallow in abject poverty amidst plenty. It has been revealed that only 30 percent of Nigerians live above the poverty line while the remaining 70 percent live under excruciating conditions, yet , the presidency goofed by budgeting such a scandalous amount for merry making.

Many well meaning citizens are calling for a sober reflection as the nation celebrates its golden jubilee, because it is obvious that there is nothing worth celebrating in the manner as is being planned by government. Some are calling for the anniversary budget to be scaled down to reflect the prevailing economic conditions in the country.

Judging by the sentiments thus far expressed by Nigerians, it will benefit President Jonathan more if he should heed the calls for a rethink and be reasonable in appropriating the nation’s much needed resources. Such funds can be well channeled among other priorities into upgrading the nation’s decayed infrastructure, generating employment; resolving issues of the Niger Delta, providing adequate security for life and property, especially with the escalation of the activities of kidnappers in Eastern Nigeria that are currently gradually grinding commercial activities in the region to a halt.

Following the Foundation’s announcement Monday 14th June, executive director of the Royal African Society, Richard Dowden told New Africa Analysis: ‘It is a prize for exceptional leadership; however the dilemma of the Mo Ibrahim leadership Prize is that it was announced as an annual award but has not been awarded that way. They have missed two years now and if this trend becomes ongoing – and next year’s potentially retiring presidents are not promising – it will become a problem. If the expectation is that it will be awarded annually and it isn’t, the popular perception is that there are no good African leaders.’

With the award remaining unclaimed for two straight years, people have now begun questioning the award’s credibility, whether the bar has been set too high and what ‘exceptional’ leadership really means.

•Before the onset of the global financial crisis of 2008-9 that morphed into an economic crisis, African economies were growing at 5 percent a year for over a decade, accelerating to over 6 percent for the last three years.

•Growth was widespread, with 22 non-oil-exporting countries sustaining better-than-four-percent growth for over a decade.

•Poverty was declining by about one percentage point a year—a rate faster than in India.

•Child mortality rates fell by 25 percent in four years in about 13 countries and across the continent, the fight against the HIV/AIDS scourge is gaining mileage.

•Primary school enrolment rates were rising faster than in any other continent.

•Over 60 percent of Africans (and 80 percent of urban Africans) are in range of a GSM signal making mobile phones the most prized asset of the poor.

•While the global crises hit the continent badly, African policymakers have continued to pursue prudent macroeconomic policies and growth has rebounded to a forecast 4.5 percent this year.

These facts—as well as numerous success stories from Mali’s mango exports and Nigeria’s “Nollywood”, to Uganda’s gorilla tourism and to Kenya’s cut flowers–paint a robust picture of a continent that is clearly on the move. By enabling innovative financial solutions such as using mobile phones and the P-Pesa or ZAP service to make payments for bills or micro-loans, Information and Communication Technology (ICT) is revealing the many transformational opportunities critical to Africa’s takeoff to sustained growth and poverty reduction.

But that is only half the picture. The other half includes the nearly 400 million Africans who live on $1.25 a day; the massive infrastructure deficit that leaves only one in four with access to electricity—and even fewer with access to clean water and sanitation; agricultural productivity that is still too low to help the 70 percent of the poor escape hunger and poverty—and now threatened by climate change; and weak institutions that often result in civil conflict, earning 21 of the 47 countries the label “fragile states”.

How can we build on the momentum created by Africa’s recent performance to tackle the many development challenges facing the continent? By harnessing and scaling up the forces that brought the decade-long growth and poverty reduction—which include external resources (aid, debt relief, private capital flows, remittances), prudent economic policies, and a more open and vibrant civil society that is increasingly holding governments to account, and achieving results.

The latter is what marks this era as being different from previous ones. Policy makers continued with prudent economic policies during the crisis—in the face of a global recession and relatively lax fiscal and monetary policies in developed countries—because there was political support for these policies. The public has seen how populist policies such as price and exchange rate controls or high fiscal deficits can be counter-productive, especially to the detriment of poor people. And policies are increasingly debated and discussed in the countries—and adopted only when domestic consensus emerges.

These positive developments mean that Africa’s growth momentum can be sustained and accelerated, and the deep problems solved, if there are adequate resources and a vigorous, open debate on how to use those resources more effectively. Most development experts agree that the financial crisis has been a game changer, and growth policies will need to adapt to the new, undefined ‘normal.’ The World Bank needs to see how best it can provide financing, technical assistance, and mobilize global knowledge to support economic growth in Africa, and provide evidence to nourish public debate.

To that end, kick-off conversations in Addis Ababa, Abuja and Dakar will follow the Johannesburg discussions about how the Bank can be a better partner for Africa, with Africans. The conversations are the beginning of a process of listening and learning that will eventually lead to a renewed World Bank strategy for Africa. But they are also conversations about Africa’s future, because the possibility of leveraging recent growth performance to tackle the continent’s entrenched development challenges is well within Africa’s grasp. Now is the time for action.

The writer, Obiageli K. Ezekwesili is the World Bank Vice President for the Africa region.

A number of personalities jostled for the position and were talked about and discussed. For instance Mahmud Yayale Ahmed, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the National Security Adviser, Lt Gen Aliyu Mohammed Gusau and Governor Mohammad Danjuma Goje of Gombe State. Isa Yuguda, son in law to late President Yar’Adua and the Governor of Bauchi State, and Saidu Dakingari, another in-law of the Yar’Aduas and Governor of Kebbi State were also discussed. Others included the Deputy Governor of Sokoto State, Muktar Shagari , Dr. Muazu Babangida Aliyu, Governor of Niger State and his counterpart from Kwara and Adamawa States respectively , Dr. Bukola Saraki , Murtala Nyako and former Governor of Kaduna State, Senator Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi, were all at one time or the other mentioned for consideration for the plum job.

But in a surprise and unexpected move, President Jonathan settled for a relatively unknown personality, the Governor of Kaduna State in North Central Nigeria, Namadi Sambo. In a meeting he held with state governors, the President informed them that he had settled for one of them as his choice for VP, which did not come as a surprise, but the man in question was what actually took everyone by surprise.

Although the other governors kept a bold face and applauded the choice, it was obvious that majority of them, including other Nigerians could not easily comprehend the rationale behind Jonathan’s choice of a dark horse who was not known to be tied to the apron string of any godfather. Born in 1952, Sambo kept a low profile until ‘06 when he surprised everybody with his forage into politics and his subsequent election as governor. Even as governor, he continued to play a low key role in governance and in politics. What then must have informed the choice of this greenhorn as nominee for VP?

Many Northerners are not comfortable with this choice which they felt was done deliberately to enable Jonathan continue to exert formidable hold on power, a situation this group of people argue will give him considerable leverage in 2011, should he decide to contest. As a relatively knew and inexperienced politician, Namadi is seen as somebody who will only do the bidding of his boss rather than show interest in the position of president which the Northerners still claim the slot for 2010. A strong VP they argue will definitely place himself in vantage position to gun for the position of president, a situation, they noted Jonathan cannot accommodate.

Consistent with previous actions of the current president, it is becoming clearer that certain actions being taken are politically motivated and aimed at giving the president considerable hold on the nation’s political machinery. For example, only recently Prof Maurice Iwu was sacked as INEC Chairman ahead of the end of his tenure, this is being viewed as a deliberate move to replace this most maligned INEC Chairman with Jonathan’s crony. The same argument is being adduced in the case of the National Chairman of the PDP, Vincent Ogbulafor who is being tried for corruption and forced to resign from the ruling party. Ogbulafor’s sin was that he had advised the president not to contemplate contesting for president in 2011 because the party’s zoning system had allocated the position to the north, the death of Yar’adua notwithstanding.

Similar issues being brought to fore include the plight of embattled former Governor of Delta State, James Ibori who was reputed to have immensely bankrolled the Campaign of the Late Yar’adua and a man whom the new President feels is a threat to his political ambition. He was declared wanted in April this year by the EFCC but managed to escape to Dubai where he was arrested through an International warrant issued by the London Met Police. The EFCC is bent on having him repatriated.

Not known to be ambitious, Namadi Sambo, may be of little political premium to Jonathan in case the duo decide to go for a joint ticket. Also, Namadi may not have the requisite political dexterity needed to assist the President, himself not vastly experienced in such matters, in piloting the ship of state successfully. Definitely, this combination is a marriage of strange bed fellows and the North which is still smarting from the loss of Yar’adua and with him, temporarily the position of President and Commander in Chief is watching and waiting while Jonathan continues to assert himself.

The sight of a jubilant Mandela embracing Francois Pienaar was more than just the joy of sporting victory, it was the joy of victory for the new South Africa and the embracing of the symbol of African resistance with the symbol of Afrikaaner sporting prowess.  Symbolic it was, but important nonetheless for the message of reconciliation, for South Africa’s self-esteem and for its international reputation.

Can the soccer World Cup do the same?  Can it rejuvenate a fading rainbow and give new hope as the poor majority in South Africa still wonder whether they will ever see any of the gold at the end of that rainbow?

Well, on the sporting field, I doubt we will see Bafana Bafana winning the final as the Boks did in ‘95.  And no matter how what you believe of the press coverage of his personality and predilections, Jacob Zuma is no Nelson Mandela.   There will be no crowning Mandela/Pienaar moment. But could the competition and the money and attention it attracts lead to a more concrete, if less symbolic, step forward.

The president who got the World Cup for South Africa and was in power as the preparations got underway, Thabo Mbeki,  predicted the competition would be the moment when Africa as a continent turned ” the tide on centuries of poverty and conflict – a huge claim, even by Mbeki’s “African renaissance” standards.

But others have, albeit from positions from which they could hardly say otherwise, made equally grand claims.  Danny Jordaan, the chief executive of South Africa’s organising committee claims that the event will come to be seen in the same context as Nelson Mandela’s release and the first truly democratic elections, in 1994.  That is perhaps going a bit too far, even if the event is a huge success.

South Africa has made extraordinary efforts to build the stadiums, the transport, broadcasting and other infrastructure. True it has had to go back to FIFA recently and ask for more money, but $3.3bn has been raised by FIFA from sponsorship and broadcasting deals and South Africa itself has invested over $5bn in preparing the competition.

That infrastructure will stay after the World Cup – though of course internationally there is still huge disagreement over the real legacy for the people and economies of countries who host World Cups, the Olympics and other huge events. Hundreds of thousands will visit South Africa – probably about 300,000.

But this is fewer than hoped for – not because of any doubts about South Africa’s ability to hold the event, not even because of the usual scare stories about violent crime.  It is simply because of the state of the global economy and effects of recession in Europe and the Americas.  Not so many people can now afford to travel and spend several weeks , if not a month, in hotels.  Nevertheless, they will spend huge amounts of money, injecting cash into an economy that needs income for development, job creation and poverty reduction. So the economic benefit might not be as great as hoped, but it will still come as a welcome boost to the national and local economies.

Zuma’s big fear, though, will be another humiliating story about the president’s private life – his many marriages and his admission about having had an illegitimate child with the daughter of senior SA World Cup official Irvin Khoza, have done little for his national or international reputation – or another outburst by Youth League head Julius Malema or, though this on past record may turn out to be an empty fear,  some outrage by the Afrikaaner extreme right as revenge for the death of Eugene Terreblanche. These are the fears that must haunt Zuma.

His reputation abroad is not good.  He needs a very good World Cup from all points of view to help put behind him the corruption allegations, the ANC in-fighting to get rid of Mbeki, the antics and outbursts of Malema and his own bedroom antics.  On the plus side, the ANC had publicly, if rather mildly, chastised Malema for some of his more ridiculous statements and the political temperature seems to have dropped in the months since the AWB leader’s murder.

The 2010 World Cup will not be a rerun of 1995 whatever happens, but Zuma must be hoping that his team, his country and his ANC colleagues help him use South Africa’s time under the floodlights of world attention to get him out of the international sin bin.

Keith Somerville – is in charge of the undergraduate journalism course at Brunel University, UK.