According to Teri Kwal Gamble and Michael W Gamble in their publication, Making Sense of Senselessness, ‘…untangling the causes of terrorism is much like trying to understand why war occurs…It is possible , however to explain that terrorism occurs because, like war, it is misleading to treat terrorism as the irrational acts of crazed fanatics. To the contrary, terrorism occurs because many of those who use it consider it a necessary, legitimate and effective tool to rid themselves of what they consider oppression….’

It is therefore not surprising when Nigerians first became aware of Boko Haram, a militant Islamic group founded by Mohammed Yusuf around 2000, as simply an extremist religious sect, seeking strict implementation of the Islamic law, Sharia. But then, the implications of the interpretation of the Hausa name: Boko Haram, which means ‘Western Education is Sin,’ was not lost on anyone.

By the time the sect was directly implicated in the 2009 sectarian violence that enveloped the city of Maiduguri in North Eastern Nigeria, resulting in the death of over 450 people, it became obvious that a major problem had set into Nigeria’s socio-political life.

Tolerated and even courted by some politicians in the North Eastern part of the country mainly, the group was allowed to flourish and grow stronger and more sophisticated before it dawned on all that indeed it was no longer the harmless group that these politicians would have unsuspecting Nigerians believe. Although, little findings have been made concerning the command structure of the group after the extra judicial killing of its founding leader, Mohammed Yusuf in 2009, it is clear that the group has since been divided into factions, with some of the factions having links with terror groups outside Nigeria. Indeed, the links had been traced to Somalia, North Africa and beyond, while the dominant areas of operation of the groups still remain the North Eastern States of Borno, Bauchi and Yobe, with several other attacks reported in Plateau and Niger States, North Central Nigeria.

For maximum attention and impact the trend is for the sect to choose important national events or festivals to launch their deadly acts. In early November 2011 just two days to the Muslim festival of Eid-el-Kabir, it unleashed a devastating bombing spree on Potiskum and Damaturu in Yobe state, as well as Maiduguri in Borno State. It also targeted the 1st October 2011 Independence day celebration in Abuja, forcing the Federal Government to shift the independence day activities into the confines of State House. Since then, several bomb blasts have been recorded across the Northern parts of Nigeria with casualty figures well above 1,000.

The most significant, though not the least deadly were the blasts at the Police Headquarters of 16 June 2011 and the U.N. Head office, of 22 August 2011, both in Abuja, the seat of the Federal Government. Since then police stations have been vandalised at will and officers and men cut down with so much ease, including several officers of the State Security Service. In like manner, soldiers, especially members of the Joint Task Force, set up to tackle the menace are not spared. Even the precincts of army barracks have been hit by bombs while vulnerable banks have been attacked and millions of Naira taken to finance their various activities.

The most devastating of all the attacks came on Friday, January 20, 2012, a few hours after the Jumaat prayers (Friday Muslim prayers). On that fateful day, members of Boko Haram launched coordinated bomb and gun attacks in Kano, North Western Nigeria, targeting the State Security Service office, the Zonal and State headquarters of the police and several other police formations and the Immigration Office in the metropolis. The official casualty figure released by the police was 185, although reports by journalists and various aid groups put the figure at well above that. The sect will later claim that the Kano bombings were reprisals against the people and government of Kano State over the way and manner their members were been arrested and arbitrarily detained by the police. It will indeed be recalled that the sect had issued a warning that unless its members that were being detained by the police in various detention centres in the state were released forthwith, the city will not be spared. True to that threat, mayhem was unleashed on Kano, the magnitude of which had never been felt before.

Why then Boko Haram, if one may ask? According to the sect whose official name is Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunnah Lidda’awati Wal Jihad their aim is to completely Islamise Nigeria by having the Islamic Law firmly in place. The sect does not recognise the Nigerian constitution neither does it recognise the leadership of President Goodluck Jonathan. The man who identifies himself as the leader of the sect, Imam Abu Muhammad Abubakar Bin Muhammad Shekau had rebuffed any move at initiating dialogue with government. Iman Shekau who demanded that President Jonathan must first convert to Islam before any compromises scoffed at the recent hint by the President that government may be willing to dialogue with the sect. President Jonathan had in an interview with Reuters on Friday 27th January challenged the sect to come out publicly and declare what it wants from government, stating that his government may consider to dialogue with the group.

But the group remains adamant insisting that their demands be met first before any talks can be held. This clearly shows that the agenda of this sect goes beyond the merely religious connotation the issue had been given, knowing very well that it is impossible to implement their demand even in the North Eastern parts of Nigeria, not to talk of the entire country. What then is the motive behind these violent agitations?

President Jonathan had recently revealed at a church service to commemorate the 2012 Armed Forces Remembrance Day that members of the sect had infiltrated his government, the armed forces and the police. The president cannot be far from the truth judging by the inability of government to fight this group, which appeared to have better intelligence and more information about all decisions and actions of government. Recently, a high profile suspect that allegedly masterminded the Christmas day 2011 bombing of a church in Madalla, Niger State where about 50 persons were killed, Kabiru Sokoto escaped from police custody in a very mysterious manner while being conveyed to his house for a search by the police. So far, this development had claimed its highest casualty yet in the person of the former Inspector General of Police, Hafiz Ringim who was removed from office for this and for his general inability to deal with the violence.

According to the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the whole problem is about poverty. In an interview he granted the Financial Times of London, Friday, 27th January 2012, he argued that ‘….There is a structural imbalance of enormous proportions. Those states {North Eastern Nigeria} simply do not have enough money to meet basic needs while some states {South South Nigeria} have too much….’ He cited the example of Federal allocation based on derivation from the oil revenue to Rivers State between 1999-2008 as being to the tune of N1,053 Billion as against the allocation to the States of Borno and Yobe which stood at only N385 Billion for the same period. Sanusi believes that it is now necessary to focus funds on regenerating other regions, if Nigeria wants to secure long-term stability.

While the Central Bank governor blames deprivation as the main cause of instability, others are of the opinion that the activities of the Boko Haram sect are clearly aimed at Balkanizing the country. Even the sect did not deny this when at the tail end of 2011 it issued an order for all Christians in Yobe state in particular to leave the state before a certain date. The threat to annihilate Christians was actually carried out as thousands of Christians had to flee the state for their life while their homes were razed down by the sect in a violent orgy of bloodletting. While Christians from other states of the country returned to their respective states abandoning their work and businesses, indigenous Christians from Yobe state have massively relocated to other areas of safety, leaving desolation in the wake of this ugly development.

In their various and varied reactions to the menace of this sect, the leaders of South South and South East Nigeria believe that the continued violence on the nation is a clear indication that the perpetrators are working with some unscrupulous politicians to scuttle the present political leadership in the country. They cannot be far from the truth. Throughout the period of the recent fuel subsidy removal protests in the country, the sect refrained from any violent activity; this complete lull in violence gave an insight into the hidden motive of the people behind the sect. However, when the Labour movement called off the protests after government had agreed to review downward the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit, the sect issued a threat on labour leaders for what it termed a betrayal of the people. The question then is since when had this group represented the general interest of the masses of Nigeria; some of the questions that needs answers.

Perhaps it is based on such trends that these leaders raised alarm, and rightly so, that Nigeria was being programmed for sinister considerations, and warned the armed forces not to contemplate any change of government as a result of the wanton destruction of life and property by an amorphous group. In the same vein, the Ijaw Youth {Jonathan’s kinsmen} in an open letter to the nation also alleged that some politicians who want to grab power at all cost are the ones sponsoring the Boko Haram sect.

While it is easy to empathize with President Jonathan that members of the dreaded sect have infiltrated his government, the truth however remains that this sect that started as a peoples’ movement around 2000 in the North Eastern part of the country has been hijacked by some politicians who want to remove Jonathan from office. For now, it is the culture of silence and complicity as no Northern politician is willing to come out openly and identify the sponsors of this sect or to talk evil of their activities all in the name of fear. Indeed, the Northern Governors have been accused of paying various sums of money to the sect to elicit their cooperation in one form or the other, a claim that had been vehemently denied, although there appears to be more than meets the eye in the entire Boko Haram conundrum. For now, while the violence continues, it is more an issue of politics rather than religion, although the religious angle is being dangled vociferously to elicit the cooperation of the majority of the gullible people in the region. And, for now it seems to be working.

The stadium has a 320metre long metal arch structure, the largest in Africa, built to represent the friendship that has been established between Gabon and China, whilst also representing the partnership that has been present between the two countries, since their diplomatic relations began in 1974.

With more than 600 Chinese workers to build this 40,000 seat stadium, it took 22 months to complete, and includes everything necessary to make it a place where young Gabonese people will be able to develop their sporting skills, including facilities for track events, long jump, triple jump, basketball, volleyball, handball and tennis.

In order for the stadium to host the final of African Cup of Nations in January 2012, two competition stadiums, six training stadiums, a sports complex, six residential complexes, two hotels for the press and three hotels for guests have been built or renovated in Libreville and the second Gabonese city, Franceville, with a total of 6,500 rooms and 2,400 rooms in private houses being built.

The African cup of Nations Organising Committee is finalising workflow plans, whilst construction work is ending. New turf is to be laid in the stadium to ensure it will be ready for the start of the competition, whilst interchanges for traffic flow improvements in Libreville are due to finish in December.

The organisation, Made In Africa Foundation, is dedicated to bringing innovative ideas and capital to Africa, whilst also focusing on the first stage of funding for infrastructure.

With little capital available in the past, the International Finance Corporation estimates that Africa’s infrastructural deficit amounts to US$93 billion annually right through 2020. The fact that a large amount of this money was available was irrelevant, as it could not be applied until business plans and feasibility studies were sufficiently developed; a void the Made In Africa Foundation will try to fill.

Atlantic Energy has committed to underwrite US$7 million for an independent power project feasibility studies across Africa, as well as the Ugandan urban renewal master plan for Kampala’s Naguru Nakawa redevelopment, and the Foundation’s running costs for the first three years.

Founder, Ozwald Boateng said, ‘It is a well known statistic that US$400 million of funding for feasibility studies and master plans across Sub-Saharan Africa would develop over US$100 billion of infrastructure projects, which in turn would create a value of a trillion dollars across Africa.’

With this in mind, the organisation believe infrastructure is the key to transforming the economy from a developing to emerging market status and propose to provide ‘first mile’ finance to people and businesses that are involved in contributing to the development of major infrastructural projects in the region.

Dayo Okusami, General Counsel and Executive Director of Atlantic Energy, a private upstream oil and gas group that operates in Nigeria, said, ‘Atlantic Energy is pleased to be a founding donor and supporter of this exceptional charity and we look forward to fostering a continent wide push for sustainable infrastructure development.’

With the first step of infrastructural projects often being the hardest, the foundation hopes that its work will now make that step easier for Africans.

The Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC) is comprised of six countries located in Central Africa; Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and Congo. These countries offer investment opportunities in strategic sectors of their economies, ranging from telecommunications to urban planning and construction.

The conference focused on presenting the positive potentials these countries offer, whilst also discussing the progress and advancements individuals governments have been able to achieve. These include promoting both economic and political development in line with the specific needs of their communities, as well as looking to bridge the current gap that exists with countries in the northern hemisphere.

Many European investors have recently turned to Africa, mainly Central Africa, to explore the possibility of investment. They have looked to support local economies whilst also benefiting from various petroleum operations. At present, Cameroon offers significant agricultural potential whilst countries such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and Congo offer the possibility of natural gas explorations.

With the CEMAC region currently in the process of a political and economic renewal, better governance is being implemented, and the introduction of social developments are being explored, enabling continual progress and moving away from political instability and corruption.

With more countries across the African region becoming open to the prospect of tourism (CAN 2012), guest speaker Robert Tashima of the Oxford Business Group said, ‘the potential to stimulate revenue growth is enormous, particularly in light of the rich biodiversity of the region.’

However, the conference highlighted CMO London’s belief that the most important change is the need to listen to Africa’s diverse population and for Africans themselves to be proud of their ethnic background to enable continual growth within the region.

The strides currently undertaken by governments in the region, supported and publicised by CMO London, are bound to make business opportunities a reality and enable the CEMAC area to break free and become a destination for serious investors around the globe.

CMO London annual conference 2011 has been a success for the organisers and the special guests and in particular to the CEMAC region.

In his homily for the Beatification liturgy, Pope Benedict XVI referred to the numerous obstacles which might have deterred someone of a leadership caliber less than that of his esteemed predecessor. He affirmed, for example, how Pope Wojtyla had truly steered the course of “society, culture, political and economic systems” in the direction of becoming concretely “opened to Christ.” He moreover turned back “with the strength of a titan (….) a tide which appeared irreversible;” adamantly refusing to succumb to an attitude of either defeatism or of despair.

For the peoples of Africa, Pope John Paul’s many discourses referencing them emphasized that the Continent’s potential is grounded in actual optimism. Despite instances of external exploitation, of fiscal irresponsibility, environmental deterioration and rampant health care dilemmas, these are not the sum of Africa’s ultimate destiny. Poverty and even corruption can be overcome. For Africa’s legacy of a rich and unique heritage awaits maturation and evolution. Progress in terms of development is assured, notably when motivated by commitment to cooperation and solidarity. Africa’s future is that of beacon of hope. And for African Christians, her Church is that “of mission which itself becomes missionary” (John Paul II, Ecclesia in Africa, 8).Theirs is a voice which is prophetic both in being proclaimed and in being heard. For example, that voice must firmly advocate “a move away from huge military expenditures” (idem, 118) and toward a focus upon such crucial tasks as the education of youth and an insistence that citizens must “take a more active part in the public debate on policies.” Pope John Paul also repeatedly stressed that “a foreign way of life” can never be “imposed on Africans” (Cathedral, Johannesburg, September 17, 1995). Rather, Africa’s conscience seeks to awaken among the world’s nations that “moral relativism and utilitarianism” are inherently detrimental to “the sacredness of human life.” For Africa’s “aspirations to freedom,” combined with a plea for “a just and equitable sharing” of natural resources, are – in fact – the patrimony of all mankind (Address to African Ambassadors, December 12, 1996).

The term ‘evangelization’ is open to misinterpretation, suggesting for some that it is synonymous with colonial domination and amounts to a kind of religious ‘imperialism’ by Western Christian missionaries who held indigenous African spirituality in contempt and who imposed their beliefs and institutions without restraint. But it is this objection which Pope Benedict’s messages in Benin directly counters. The Catholic presence throughout Africa was never intended to merely add to the numbers of baptized adherents. Nominalism is not the goal of evangelization; rather, the objective is an interior conversion which transforms individuals, promotes collective morality, and inspires society to safeguard the welfare of its every member.

How is evangelization expressed? Simply stated, evangelization enables believers to witness of their commitment to ‘serve reconciliation, justice and peace.’ The Pope elaborates: Africa’s faithful Christians are not in competition or at enmity with those who profess other religious affiliation or whose preference is to exclude ties with any formal religion. By contrast, Africa’s Christians are meant ‘to become joyful instruments of divine mercy;’ sensitive and receptive to the needs and dignity of fellow Africans, without exception and without condition. Moreover, it is the duty of each Christian to be a contributor ‘to the common good.’ And, that common good must be recognized as possessing ‘its own spiritual and material’ patrimony. Nor is it ever to be identified with exclusive Christian interests. The challenge facing the Catholic Christian is that of cooperating to actualize the potential of all Africans, so that Africa’s unique legacy of accumulated wisdom, of reverence for the environment, and of perseverance amidst adversity, may enrich across the globe.

From Pope Benedict’s discourse while in Benin, we may deduce several further characteristics of the Christian’s vocation as ‘servant of the common good’. Such servanthood:

(a) attests ‘to the possibility of a harmonious coexistence within the nation, and between Church and State.’ In this endeavor, ‘good will and mutual respect (…) are essential for building unity between individuals, ethnic groups and peoples.’ This is not Utopian idealism, but practically, through sincere effort, may come to fruition. (Address at Departure Ceremony, Gantin Airport, Cotonou)

(b) promotes realistic and profound hope. There is no doubt that ‘difficulties (…) are met along (life’s) way and which can at times be serious.’ But instead of leading ‘to discouragement, (they) become incentives to the awakening (…) of a deep spiritual life;’ one which eagerly seeks to foster ‘advancement in the search for spiritual and human development.’ The prospect to better the common good inspires inter-personal confidence and national optimism. (Address to Benin’s bishops, Apostolic Nunciature)

(c) translates piety into social action. Speaking to a meeting with children who greeted him at the Parish Church of Saint Rita, in Cotonou, Pope Benedict urged them to grow in the habit of prayer. But that prayer is not oriented to a privatized sanctification. On the contrary, prayer disposes the believer to engage in radical ‘forgiveness and charity’ towards all.

(d) ‘adopts a courageous ethical approach to (one’s) responsibilities.’ These words, from the Pope’s Address to government officials and to the diplomatic corps assembled at the Presidential Palace, appeal for transparency on every level of civic administration. The Pope recognized that scandals and corruption are prevalent. But he also stressed that these should not be ignored or condoned. Manipulation, greed, violence and intolerance are never acceptable choices. To serve the common good means that these be offset, notably by the facilitation of dialogue. For ‘dialogue is another way of loving God and our neighbor out of love for the truth.’

(e) Exercises prudence ‘in the delicate transition currently underway (in Benin) from tradition to modernity.’ Benin cannot set aside its ‘ancient and noble traditions.’ But the nation must not be so fixated upon that heritage that it risks those pitfalls which afflict the African continent (e.g. an unbridled ‘law of the market,’ excessive nationalism, ‘exaggerated tribalism’). ‘The transition to modernity must be guided by sure criteria based on (such) virtues (as) are listed in (Benin’s) national motto.’ Those who serve the common good desire ‘to give (their) best to everyone.’ (Address for Welcome Ceremony, Gantin Airport, Cotonou)

The move by the ANC is essentially pre-emptive, and puts them on a par with some of the more anti-democratic nations which routinely restrict the press. To the credit of the media in South Africa, and in fact of opposition parties, they have not only continually expressed their opposition to the bill and its forerunner which planned for a stifling Media Tribunal, but they have been continually and fearlessly uncovering corruption in the government, from underhanded tenders for work to corruption over arms deals at the highest levels.

South Africans stood up for themselves and were not cowed by the passing of the undemocratic bill, however. The ‘Black Tuesday’ protests, organised by media and civil society organisations and echoing 1977′s Black Wednesday when the Apartheid government banned a number of media organisations, struck a chord, with South Africans at home and abroad wearing black and even blacking out their online profile pictures. Desmond Tutu and even Nelson Mandela, in a rare criticism of ANC policy, publicly denounced the bill. Bravely, investigative journalists have also done the right thing by vowing to fight on and keep telling people the truth. As has been pointed out by veteran journalists, it is possible that the ANC is trying to intimidate people who may know certain things they don’t want to become public. With increasing information sharing, and contact between journalists and sources, it is possible that somewhere somebody knows something the party wants kept secret. Of course, while journalists and editors will continue to work for freedom, the bill is aimed at – and will doubtless deter – those sources who would be able to provide the information. Their actions in sharing information nebulously classified by politicians as being hidden due to ‘public interest’ will be criminalised.

The perhaps not too well-kept secret that is now out of the bag, however, is that the ANC could justifiably be charged with harbouring undemocratic tendencies. Already suffering something of a turbulent patch in their international reputation, their spokesperson Jackson Mthembu is going to be working overtime for the next while to try and come up with a convincing message for a sceptical audience. Not only has the party been in the headlines abroad – as well as at home – for corrupt arms deals, crooked politicians and security officials, and Julius Malema’s various turns at racism and buffoonery, but tough questions have been asked about the party over its stance on Libya and relationship with Muammar al-Gaddafi, its perceived deference to China over the Dalai Lama’s visa, and now most recently its abstention from voting at the UN Security Council over the crackdown in Syria.

There is no denying that these are all serious and complicated issues, and taking a particular side on any of them is not an open and shut matter. There are also clearly pressing geopolitical realities following a series of international conflicts, and a fairly dangerous and unstable world economic situation – and equally dangerously an increasing ‘with us or against us’ mentality in Europe, the U.S., the Middle East and elsewhere. The tightening up of security given these realities is perhaps understandable for the ANC, but the curtailing of democratic freedoms is not going to help their reputation at all – proof of which can be seen in the aforementioned international media coverage of their ‘Secrecy Bill’.

Thus, the ANC has played their hand. While it is foreseeable that in the short-term, sources may be discouraged from sharing information which government figures deem classified, it is likely that the ANC has done more damage to its reputation with its own actions anyway. They have also provided an object lesson and a warning to other governments with democratic aspirations, which is that in today’s age, it’s not easy to control and contain information – but if you don’t learn to manage it properly, it could end up controlling you.

According to a widely reported idea, Jacob Zuma may have acted just in time to save himself from being challenged by Malema at the ANC’s upcoming meeting and hundredth birthday at Mangaung, due to take place in January. While this is a matter of debate, as in the ANC’s hierarchical arrangement Malema would not technically have had the authority to do so, given Malema’s outspoken reputation such a performance would not have come as a surprise. As things stand, the ANC, and Zuma by his actions, have been praised for removing a bugbear to many, including the party itself. Whites were put off by Malema’s purported exploitation of racial tensions, business and markets by his calls for nationalisation, and the international community and South Africa’s allies for his lambasting of their journalists (the BBC’s Jonah Fisher) and denigrating of their allies (Botswana). With political anger rising, and tangible economic problems such as a downgrading of the country’s credit rating over fears of instability in its key industries, the presidency has acted prudently if a little late in dealing categorically with Malema’s ill-discipline.

However, Zuma may still find himself chewing bitterly on his own earlier words. In 2009, the South African president praised Malema as a potential ‘future leader’ of the ANC and the country. While it remains to be seen whether Malema can stage a comeback, there is a lot of foresight in media reports that the rise of Malema is a symptom reflecting deeper realities in South African politics. South Africa is one of the most unequal societies in the world, a statement for which countless statistics can be found on the internet and elsewhere – to cite one example, its Gini coefficient of around 65 places the country is in the top five most unequal societies in the world – sadly, along with its close neighbours Botswana (63) and Namibia (70). For all its historically real and currently apparent sympathy with the poor, the ANC has not been able to narrow this gap since coming to power. Simply put, Malema managed to tap into the frustrations of the poor and give them something to believe in. That he was undone by his own confused mix of personal wealth, corruption, and miscalculated offence does not make the problem go away.

South Africa’s current leading politicians have a history of struggle behind them, and see themselves as the guardians of the liberation struggle in the country’s young democracy. Yet, these selfsame politicians have been decried for creating a corrupt system criticised for its cronyism, in a political alliance which, combining communists, black nationalists and free market thinkers, amongst others, has tried to be all things to all people – as long as they pledged their support to the ANC – and yet has not managed to liberate the approximately 50% of the population living in poverty. That this poverty affects black South Africans to a disproportional extent, and is to a large extent still affected by the system of Apartheid, is certainly true – but as a repeated statement of fact this holds little comfort for the starving.

What is striking about this system is that it seems to have become all-consuming – the same old politicians struggle for power at the top, with alliances shifting and backs scratched one day only to be stabbed the next. Young leaders such as Malema find themselves part of this monolithic ANC system, and all too often become tainted by the kind of corruption facilitated by power. Given the on-going power and leadership struggles, distorting the channels of communication for those citizens looking to the party for leadership, those who have a message for the disaffected which strikes a chord will find themselves listened to. In the most recent incarnation, this has meant embracing a populism which is dangerous not only for its content, but for its hollowness.

For Malema is not the first to reach out to the poor of the country by preaching populism. His own mentor President Zuma, now trying to clean his hands of the whole affair, came to power in 2009 to a large extent by reaching out to the poor, and claiming that he would fight poverty and inequality. Malema took up the poisoned chalice, and took the populism to the next step by calling for nationalisation and decrying imperialism. Zuma was either subsumed into the economic realities of the country and the markets, or cynically and not without guile accepted the fruits of the votes of the poor, but left behind the populism for pragmatism. Malema ostensibly stayed on message, at the same time exposing the dualities in the ANC not only to many South Africans to whom it was obvious that the country’s leadership was made up of strange bedfellows, but arguably even to many across the world who now see that the long-ruling party and indeed the country itself is riven by disagreement.

It has been said that one of the goals of politics is to ‘give voice to the voiceless’. Leaders and ex-leaders in the country’s leadership structure have capitalised on this fact, but the voiceless are still there, passed over in silence for now while ‘business as usual’ continues. Malema’s voice may have lacked the critical wisdom needed to guide the country, but until all South Africans are able to lift themselves up and experience equality, they will be listening for signs of hope. At a time when the country feels let down by its leaders, people may just feel that they need another hero.

‘We are delighted to be introducing BlackBerry App World to customers in an additional nine African markets,’ says Waldi Wepener, Regional Director for East, West and Central Africa, for BlackBerry manufacturers Research In Motion. ‘A rich catalog of BlackBerry apps is waiting to help customers personalize their smartphone, while also making personal time more fun and work time more productive .’

It follows a growing consensus that Africa is the market most primed for mobile market growth. Alan Knott-Craig, CEO of South African instant messaging application MXit told Memeburn.com that “Everyday a thousand guys sign up in Nigeria and Zimbabwe, so we are doing quite well in Africa and we need to grow that.

‘Africa has the chance to leapfrog the rest of the world… the problem is that although Africa has more mobile innovators than America, we just don’t have the same media coverage. Africa gets drowned out by Americans punting tech developments that have been in Africa for years’ he continued.

By expanding their reach to more African states, BlackBerry, who are the Smartphone front runners on the continent, will hopefully pave the way for future mobile innovation.

Essex’s erroneous research spawned the theory that HIV originated in African monkeys. This misconception is critical because the concept is a pillar for the fallacy that HIV/AIDS is endemic in Africa.

In 1985, it was Essex and his team of investigators that “discovered” an “AIDS-like” virus in the blood sample of wild-caught African green monkeys (AGM). This “AIDS-like” virus eventually came to be called SIV, the Simian Immunodeficiency Virus; even though it did not cause immunodeficiency in African green monkeys.

AIDS was a hot topic at that time; the discovery of SIV by the Essex team was instant front-page news worldwide. Both scientists and the public were striving to make sense of this terrifying mystery, and the impact of this initial media acclaim continues to reverberate throughout the medical and mainstream media today, as well as adversely affecting HIV/AIDS and general health care interventions in Africa.

Yet, in 1988 – only 3 years later – the truth came out! SIV was not from Africa! SIV was not a new virus! Rather, what was thought to be SIV was actually another virus, which had contaminated the blood samples of the African Green monkeys.

This contaminating virus originally came from Rhesus macaque monkeys. As a species, Rhesus macaques originated in Asia, but these particular Rhesus macaques were residents of the United States, and lived at the New England Regional Primate Research Center (NEPRC) in Southborough, Massachusetts, where various species of primates were housed and bred for the purpose of medical experimentation.

Several months prior to the discovery of “SIV,” a researcher at NEPRC, Phyllis Kanki, had isolated the virus from 4 sick Rhesus macaques monkeys. She then gave Max Essex a sample. Three years later, another group of investigators compared the genetic structures of SIV (“discovered” by Essex) and the virus from Rhesus macaques. Genetically, the two viruses were 99% identical; meaning they were the same virus. The viruses Kanki had given Essex had contaminated the blood samples of the wild-caught AGMs in the team Essex laboratory (the blood samples but not the monkeys were brought over from Africa).

In 1988, Nature, the leading interdisciplinary scientific journal, published a letter by Essex admitting this contamination and its source. Nature also published the genetic analysis that exposed the contamination. However, both the admission and the genetic analysis seemed to pass unnoticed by the medical and scientific community at large – even though Nature followed up several months later with a short editorial entitled “Human AIDS Virus Not From Monkeys”.

Nonetheless, 6 months after Essex’s letter of admission was published in Nature, Scientific American – a magazine of far greater distribution – published an article co-written by Essex and Kanki entitled “The Origins Of The AIDS Virus” which featured a full-page, color photo of the African green monkey.

Thus, the theory that HIV originated in Africa primates perpetuated. This theory changed over time as the species identified as the source of HIV’s progenitor shifted from AGMs to sooty mangabeys to the common chimpanzee, the chimpanzee currently bearing the crown stamped “Origin of AIDS.” To date, dozens of SIVs have been isolated from at least 30 species of African primates, none of them causing immunodeficiency; nevertheless, they all are labeled “closely related” to HIV by the investigators who discovered them.

This categorical use of the misnomer “immunodeficiency” in this crop of viruses reflects the “plight” of virologists. To get funding, it’s best to be working on a primate immunodeficiency virus. The situation is analogous to the height of the ‘War on Cancer’ in the 1970s. At that time, any virologists working on viruses labeled oncogenic (causing or inducing tumor formation) were viewed in particularly favorable light by funding agencies.

In relation to the current situation with HIV/AIDS, this prerogative continues to afflict HIV/AIDS research funding and interventions across many scientific, medical, and allied professional domains.

Given all the known retroviruses “closely related” to HIV derived from primates in Africa, it is ironic that only 2 primate retroviruses are known to induce an analogous immunodeficiency in their original hosts; and both these retroviruses and their hosts come from the United States. The first is SIVmac, the aforementioned virus isolated from Rhesus macaques by Phyllis Kanki. The second is HIV. HIV infects the primates called humans.

Phyllis Kanki originally isolated SIVmac from 4 Rhesus macaque monkeys which had an immunodeficiency syndrome with a “remarkable similarity” to human AIDS. As with human AIDS, the immunodeficiency experienced by these Rhesus macaques was characterized by opportunistic infections; namely, candidiasis, cytomegalovirus infection, and cryptosporidiosis — all diseases characteristic of human AIDS as well. The appearance of these diseases in humans and Rhesus macaques means that their respective viral infections both damage the defenses of cellular immunity. Cellular immunity defends the body against fungi, virus, and parasites, specific types of infections that flourish during HIV infection. The bacterial defense mechanism, humoral immunity, remains intact during early HIV infection.

Kanki’s discovery of SIVmac and “simian AIDS” raised no great acclaim. She soberly suggested that SIVmac and Rhesus macaque monkeys might be suitable models for experimentation and drug development; an appropriate suggestion, but it was not until after the same virus was “discovered” in African green monkeys that it received any fanfare.

An exuberant reader might theorize, given the geographic juxtaposition of SIVmac and HIV, that SIVmac and Rhesus macaques represent the origin of HIV and AIDS. However, SIVmac shares only about 50% genetic homology (‘relationship’) with HIV, and collectively, all the African primate retroviruses share about 50% genetic homology with HIV.

SIVmac shares about 75% genetic homology with all the African primate retroviruses. So, genetically, SIVmac is more closely related to the set of harmless Africa primate viruses than to HIV. What makes sense is that SIVmac is actually a virus of African origin brought over generations ago by captured African primates, and the Rhesus macaque monkeys were exposed to this African virus by living in close proximity to these African species within the cages of the U.S. research facility.

In truth, HIV stands alone among the primate viruses. All the other primate retroviruses are clustered together; having approximately 75% homology. HIV stands off to the side with 50% homology. However, HIV shares 40% – 50% homology with a set of well-characterized, pathogenic (disease-causing) retroviruses; namely retroviruses that infect ungulates (animals with hooves): horses, goats, sheep, and cattle.

Before HIV and the African primate fiasco, most known retroviruses were infectious agents that caused disease in the aforementioned animals of economic interest. At the advent of HIV, virologists working with these animal viruses attempted to draw parallels between these pathogenic animal retroviruses HIV. This comparison was easy to make because some of these animal viruses and HIV shared biological infectious processes, such as the induction of syncytia (a massive cell created by the fusion of many cells) and neurotropism (the ability to infect brain cells). (Retroviruses are also found in birds, mice, rats, pigs, and felines – both house cats and lions. Since the advent of HIV, many retroviruses under study have been renamed “immunodeficiency” viruses.)

But the theory that HIV and AIDS originated somewhere “way over there” was more palatable than any research that might associate HIV and AIDS with food and ranch animals. Which, in part, brings us to our current status of misconception.

Chris Jennings

HIV/AIDS Analyst

Publications:

• The HIV/AIDS Biological Primer

• HIV/AIDS – The Jennings Report: Redefining the Size, Scope, and Scale of the AIDS Epidemic by Forensic Review of the Medical Literature

• HIV/AIDS Statistics in the Republic of South Africa (RSA): An Analysis of HIV/AIDS Mortality comparing Death Counts, Surveillance Data, and Modeled Estimates

For More Information: www.healthalert.net