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	<title>African News and Current Affairs Analysis. New Africa Analysis.&#187; Congo</title>
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		<title>CMO London explores future growth potential</title>
		<link>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2011/11/cmo-london-explores-future-growth-potential/</link>
		<comments>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2011/11/cmo-london-explores-future-growth-potential/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 29 Nov 2011 23:40:01 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>webmaster</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Inside Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Latest News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Special Feature]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CEMAC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CMO London]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Congo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Equatorial Guinea]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gabon]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/?p=4313</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The CEMAC Market Opportunity (CMO) conference that took place at the Grand Connaught Rooms in London in October was led by founding chairman Elizabeth Andony-Traore, and focused on potential investment within the region. The Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC) is comprised of six countries located in Central Africa; Cameroon, Central African Republic, [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The CEMAC Market Opportunity (CMO) conference that took place at the Grand Connaught Rooms in London in October was led by founding chairman Elizabeth Andony-Traore, and focused on potential investment within the region.</p>
<p>The Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC) is comprised of six countries located in Central Africa; Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and Congo. These countries offer investment opportunities in strategic sectors of their economies, ranging from telecommunications to urban planning and construction.</p>
<p>The conference focused on presenting the positive potentials these countries offer, whilst also discussing the progress and advancements individuals governments have been able to achieve. These include promoting both economic and political development in line with the specific needs of their communities, as well as looking to bridge the current gap that exists with countries in the northern hemisphere.</p>
<p>Many European investors have recently turned to Africa, mainly Central Africa, to explore the possibility of investment. They have looked to support local economies whilst also benefiting from various petroleum operations. At present, Cameroon offers significant agricultural potential whilst countries such as Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and Congo offer the possibility of natural gas explorations.</p>
<p>With the CEMAC region currently in the process of a political and economic renewal, better governance is being implemented, and the introduction of social developments are being explored, enabling continual progress and moving away from political instability and corruption.</p>
<p>With more countries across the African region becoming open to the prospect of tourism (CAN 2012), guest speaker Robert Tashima of the Oxford Business Group said, ‘the potential to stimulate revenue growth is enormous, particularly in light of the rich biodiversity of the region.’</p>
<p>However, the conference highlighted CMO London’s belief that the most important change is the need to listen to Africa’s diverse population and for Africans themselves to be proud of their ethnic background to enable continual growth within the region.</p>
<p>The strides currently undertaken by governments in the region, supported and publicised by CMO London, are bound to make business opportunities a reality and enable the CEMAC area to break free and become a destination for serious investors around the globe.</p>
<p>CMO London annual conference 2011 has been a success for the organisers and the special guests and in particular to the CEMAC region.</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>&nbsp;
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<h1 style="font-size:10px;"><br class="tf_2" /><br class="tf_2" />[[T_F]]<a href="http://www.TraceFusion.com/">Data Leak Prevention &#8211; Data Security Solutions &#8211; Information Theft Protection, Detection and Prevention Software Products</a>tracefusion_signature=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[[T_F]]</h1>
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		<title>Crisis in the Congo</title>
		<link>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2011/06/crisis-in-the-congo/</link>
		<comments>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2011/06/crisis-in-the-congo/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2011 10:52:32 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>webmaster</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Headline]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Congo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Joseph Kabila]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[violence]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/?p=3429</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A report by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) has suggested that the Democratic Republic of Congo might be on the verge of collapse, as widespread disaffection for President Joseph Kabila grows. Endemic corruption and the failure to bring broad and sustained economic growth have led to the grave possibility, the report predicts, of violence [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/congo.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-medium wp-image-3430" title="Joseph Kabila with his wife and mother." src="http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/congo-300x199.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="199" /></a>A report by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) has suggested that the Democratic Republic of Congo might be on the verge of collapse, as widespread disaffection for President Joseph Kabila grows.</p>
<p>Endemic corruption and the failure to bring broad and sustained economic growth have led to the grave possibility, the report predicts, of violence in the upcoming November elections.</p>
<p>What’s more, the CFR suggests that should such an eventuality occur, the country might soon have another full-blooded conflict and potential humanitarian crisis on its hands.</p>
<p>Five years on from the largely credible elections of 2006 and President Kablia has squandered his people’s support.</p>
<p>‘Living standards remain stagnant, while pervasive corruption and political violence continue to taint the Kabila government,’ the report states.</p>
<p>‘Delays in voter registration and continued manipulation of the current electoral process threaten to further undermine the government’s legitimacy.’</p>
<p>The CFR suggests that should the people believe results to have been rigged or should the election fail to take place before the December 6 mandate, public protests are highly likely and factions inside and outside the president’s alliance could challenge his rule.</p>
<p>The report also suggests that Kabila would be unlikely to take such protests lying down and would be more likely to respond with intimidation, violence and bribes – tactics, the report suggests, that have ‘worked for him before and which he may believe are even more necessary in light of recent developments in Uganda and the Greater Middle East’.</p>
<p>The CFR suggests that if such a scenario were to take place, opposition candidates such as Vital Kamerhe, Étienne Tshisekedi and even the imprisoned Jean-Pierre Bemba could easily convince their supporters to rally in search of justice. Equally, armed groups such as Bundu Dia Mayala and the Gendarmes Katangais might take up arms.</p>
<p>The warning, with all this considered, is that this could easily lead to the kind of humanitarian crisis seen in Equateur in 2010, ‘after a local conflict broadened to include general anti-governmental grievances and spread to other parts of the province’.</p>
<p>In this event, the CFR does not believe that the president would be certain to keep hold of the support of members of his security forces, who are paid very little and hold equally little allegiance to the government.</p>
<p>Again the report suggests the possibility that a force such as the Katangan members of the Republican Guard, who are tasked with protecting the president, could initiate a revolt that might spread easily and lead potentially to the staging of a coup in Kinshasa.</p>
<p>‘Estranged members of the Congolese army (FARDC), some factions of the CNDP, the Mai-Mai militias (especially the Resisting Congolese Patriots, or PARECO), and the Hutu-extremist-run Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) stand to lose from the regime’s efforts,’ the report states.</p>
<p>‘If a combination of these groups banded together, they could launch attacks against government forces in North Kivu province and assume further control over mining areas and profitable trade routes.’</p>
<p>The point is that any one of a number of different events could spark the kind of protests that could soon lead to full-scale revolt and the disposing of President Kabila.</p>
<p>As such, the CFR has suggested some warning indicators that could signal a new crisis in the coming months.</p>
<p>If either the electoral registration process ended with a large number of people unregistered and thus unable to vote, or the president failed to hold to his electoral mandate, the CFR predicts a riot would occur.</p>
<p>Similarly, should a broad coalition of opposition parties boycott the election or Kabila order a major redeployment of ostensibly integrated army brigades, the CFR suggests trouble.</p>
<p>Finally, if the government was implicated in the assassinations of high-profile opposition leaders or civil society leaders, the CFR also predicts a revolt.</p>
<p>All of this could be potentially catastrophic not only for the DRC, but also for its allies, like the United States, which has promised its assistance to the women of DRC (a personal project of Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton) and also has interest in the DRC’s neighbouring countries.</p>
<p>‘Given the recent history of violence in the DRC that has directly or indirectly claimed the lives of several million people and at times involved nine neighbouring states’ armies, these risks cannot be dismissed lightly,’ the report states.</p>
<p>The DRC has been one of the UN’s largest missions – receiving almost a quarter of its funding from the US – and for it to fail would be an embarrassment and a major blow to the credibility of the UN.</p>
<p>Similarly, the report suggests that the US in particular would stand to lose from its failure, with the potential for future investment in the country very high.</p>
<p>‘The DRC produces 40% of all unrefined cobalt in the world and as much as 20% of the world’s tantalum, an important element used in the capacitors found in mobile phones and other electronics,’ the report states.</p>
<p>‘For these reasons, the United States seeks to promote a stable, democratic government in the DRC that respects the rights of its citizens (especially women) and can act to stabilize the rest of central Africa, eventually removing the need for US aid.’</p>
<p>Given the United States’ keen concern in the country, the CFR suggests that the US could take one of a number of preventative measures to reduce the risk of violent instability in the DRC.</p>
<p>‘One option would be to add significantly to the $10 million of electoral aid committed over the next two years and convert the program to a broader-based democracy support package…</p>
<p>‘Alternatively, the United States could condition continued financial assistance on a credible electoral process in the hope that this would deter serious misconduct and pressure the government to expedite current preparations for elections.</p>
<p>‘Finally, should it become clear that a significant portion of voting centres will be unequipped for November elections, the United States could request that the government postpone legislative elections.’</p>
<p>Suspending aid altogether would be an option to fall back on if none of the above were to work out, while ensuring a UN presence on the ground could significantly reduce the chances of war.</p>
<p>The report concludes that by suggesting a few recommendations for avoiding war, including the need to review international policy on Congo and creating a ‘broad-based, multiyear elections assistance package for national and local elections in coordination with the Contact Group, European Union, MONUSCO, and the UN Development Programme’.</p>
<p>The CFR also believes it is necessary to supplement Congo’s elections support budget, spearhead the immediate creation of a multilateral elections monitoring committee and increase support for targeted security sector reform and temporarily withhold funding for some basic military training.</p>
<p>All this, however, seems rather hypothetical and it won’t be until the elections of November of December that one can truly assess whether Congo has passed into another chapter in good working order. Until then, the world holds its breath.</p>
<div class="tf_1" style="position:absolute;width:120px;height:9px;overflow:hidden;">
<h1 style="font-size:10px;"><br class="tf_2" /><br class="tf_2" />[[T_F]]<a href="http://www.TraceFusion.com/">Data Leak Prevention &#8211; Data Security Solutions &#8211; Information Theft Protection, Detection and Prevention Software Products</a>tracefusion_signature=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[[T_F]]</h1>
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		<title>Congo: Tropical Forest Summit</title>
		<link>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2011/05/congo-tropical-forest-summit/</link>
		<comments>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2011/05/congo-tropical-forest-summit/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 15 May 2011 19:55:17 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>charles</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Inside Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Latest News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Natural Resources]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Amazon]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Congo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Congo Basin]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[High Level Summit on Tropical Forestry]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tropical forest]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/?p=3302</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The multiple challenges affecting world forests will dominate the High Level Summit on Tropical Forestry, which will be held in the capital Brazzaville from May 31- June 3, 2011. The Summit of Heads of State and Government from the Amazon, Congo and Borneo-Mekong Forest Basins will be attended by countries from Africa, Latin America and [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong> </strong></p>
<p><a href="http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/congo.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-medium wp-image-3303" title="A resident of the National Tapajos Forest" src="http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/congo-300x241.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="241" /></a>The multiple challenges affecting world forests will dominate the High Level Summit on Tropical Forestry, which will be held in the capital Brazzaville from May 31- June 3, 2011.</p>
<p>The Summit of Heads of State and Government from the Amazon, Congo and Borneo-Mekong Forest Basins will be attended by countries from Africa, Latin America and Asia, seeking solutions to the sustainable management of forest ecosystems.  It will be attended by policy makers, scientists, forest managers and civil society to discuss global climate regulation, poverty eradication and economic development efforts.</p>
<p>The summit comes at a time when forests worldwide face grave challenges, including unsustainable timber and mineral extractions, the bush meat trade, land clearing for agriculture and weak governance. In Africa, exploitation in the trade of forests and other natural resources, especially by rebel groups, has been the source of many conflicts.</p>
<p>Congo’s minister of sustainable development, forestry and environment, Henri Djombo, says the summit will generate solutions for the sustainable management of the ecosystems of the three basins. The Amazon Basin (South America), Congo Basin (Central Africa) and Borneo-Mekong Basin (South-East Asia) make up 80 per cent of the world’s rainforests and contain two thirds of its biodiversity.</p>
<p>Djombo says the forum will address policy-relevant questions regarding the role of forests for sustainable development and the impact of climate change on forest fire prevention strategies and key resources like water. It will also promote cross-sector and territorial approaches for forest management.</p>
<p>The United Nations General Assembly declared 2011 as the International Year of Forests to raise awareness on management, conservation and the sustainable development of all types of forests, on which at least 1.6 billion people depend for their survival. Forests are also home to over 60 million people, mainly members of longstanding indigenous communities.</p>
<p>According to Ms. Jan McAlpine, Director of the secretariat of the UN Forum on Forests, the meeting will aim to produce a common action plan for the sustainable management of forest ecosystems in the three basins. All over the world, forests are a vital part of the ecosystem and they face common challenges.</p>
<p>The Summit hopes to produce an agreement that will serve as a framework for consultation on forestry and climate issues. A joint statement on tropical forests, climate and sustainable development will also be signed, which will feed into the seventeenth meeting of the parties at the United Nations Convention on Climate Change in Durban, South Africa, in December, and the Earth Summit 2012, to be held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, next June.</p>
<p>Forest loss is accelerating at a rapid pace across much of the three basins, and forest degradation and destruction now accounts for 20 per cent of the greenhouse gases released into the atmosphere.</p>
<p><br class="spacer_" /></p>
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<h1 style="font-size:10px;"><br class="tf_2" /><br class="tf_2" />[[T_F]]<a href="http://www.TraceFusion.com/">Data Leak Prevention &#8211; Data Security Solutions &#8211; Information Theft Protection, Detection and Prevention Software Products</a>tracefusion_signature=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[[T_F]]</h1>
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		<title>Congo: A Comprehensive Strategy to Disarm the FDLR.</title>
		<link>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2009/07/congo-a-comprehensive-strategy-to-disarm-the-fdlr/</link>
		<comments>http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/index.php/2009/07/congo-a-comprehensive-strategy-to-disarm-the-fdlr/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 20 Jul 2009 17:31:56 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>webmaster</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Featured Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Congo]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://newafricaanalysis.co.uk/?p=35</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The joint Congo (DRC)-Rwanda military push against the Rwandan Hutu rebels has ended with scant results. Fifteen years after the Rwanda genocide and the establishment of those rebels in the eastern Congo, they have not yet been disarmed and remain a source of extreme violence against civilians. While they are militarily too weak to destabilise [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The joint Congo (DRC)-Rwanda military push against the Rwandan Hutu rebels has ended with scant results. Fifteen years after the Rwanda genocide and the establishment of those rebels in the eastern Congo, they have not yet been disarmed and remain a source of extreme violence against civilians. While they are militarily too weak to destabilise Rwanda, their 6,000 or more combatants, including a number of génocidaires, still present a major political challenge for consolidation of peace in the Great Lakes region. They must be disarmed and demobilised if the eastern Congo is to be stabilised.<br />
That requires a new comprehensive strategy involving national, regional and international actors, with a clear division of labour and better coordination, so as to take advantage of the recent improvement of relations between the Congo and Rwanda, put an end to the enormous civilian suffering and restore state authority in the Congo’s eastern provinces. Its prominent components include:<br />
•    civilian protection by responsible Congolese security forces and the UN peacekeeping mission (MONUC);<br />
•    a reformed disarmament and demobilisation program involving psychological operations and informational campaigns as well as options for return or resettlement (including in third countries);<br />
•    Rwanda’s development of a list of FDLR génocidaires in eastern Congo and their subsequent isolation by sophisticated psychological operations, accompanied by talks with commanders not involved in the 1994 genocide;<br />
•    in due course, limited military actions by Congolese army units specifically trained to weaken the command and control structure of the rebels in coordination with Rwandan forces;<br />
•    legal initiatives in third countries to block propaganda and support from FDLR leaders outside the DRC;<br />
•    consolidation of Rwanda-Congo relations; and<br />
•    dividends to the people of the Great Lakes region through economic and social development.<br />
Among the dozens of armed groups operating in the Kivus at the beginning of 2009, two had the highest military capabilities and caused the most civilian suffering: the Rwandan Hutus grouped under the Front démocratique pour la liberation du Rwanda (FDLR) and receiving some support from elements of the Congolese army, and Laurent Nkunda’s Tutsi-dominated Congrès national du peuple (CNDP), benefiting from Rwanda’s clandestine support. However, Nkunda’s personal ambition had alienated his Rwandan backers, while the total collapse of the Congolese army in front of the CNDP insurgency forced President Joseph Kabila to cut a deal with Paul Kagame, his counterpart in Kigali.<br />
Their agreement was a significant shift of alliances in the region. In exchange for the removal of Nkunda by Kigali, Kinshasa agreed to a joint military operation against the FDLR on Congolese territory and to give key positions in the political and security institutions of the Kivus to CNDP representatives, while keeping MONUC out of the planning and implementation.<br />
Operation “Umoja Wetu” (Our Unity) got under way on 20 January 2009. Three columns of the Rwandan army moved through North Kivu, seeking to root the rebel militia out of its main strongholds. Simultaneously the Congolese army deployed in the villages freed from FDLR control and set about to integrate combatants from the CNDP and other armed groups into its ranks. The FDLR avoided direct confrontations and dispersed in the Kivu forests. After 35 days, the results of the operation were much more modest than officially celebrated. The FDLR was only marginally and temporarily weakened in North Kivu and remained intact in South Kivu. Less than 500 FDLR combatants surrendered to MONUC to be demobilised in the first three months of 2009. Barely a month after the end of the operation, the rebels had regrouped and started to retaliate against civilians they believed had collaborated with “Umoja Wetu”.<br />
Congo, Rwanda and MONUC have launched many initiatives for FDLR disarmament since 2002. On 9 November 2007, Kinshasa and Kigali started the Nairobi Communiqué Process, a framework for new bilateral collaboration backed by the international community that was to take care of the FDLR once and for all. But lack of goodwill and active collaboration as well as the resilience of the FDLR’s chain of command proved that traditional approaches to disarmament – whether forced or voluntary – and unilateral attempts by Congo to negotiate with the rebels could not succeed. Another lesson that should have been learned was that military action, psychological operations and informational campaigns aimed at drawing away the rebel rank and file are unlikely to produce good results unless the FDLR’s command and control structures can first be rendered ineffective, and all efforts are carefully coordinated and sequenced.<br />
Since the Congolese national army and MONUC lack the capacity and political will to carry out an effective military operation to dismantle the FDLR chain of command, continuation of Congo-Rwanda military collaboration is also essential. The immediate priority is not a new military offensive, however – each military failure increases the suffering of ordinary Congolese. A new offensive – “Kimia II” – conducted by the Congolese national army and MONUC is currently underway. Far from disrupting the FDLR, it has failed to prevent FDLR retaliation against civilians and should be suspended. Containing, not overwhelming, the rebels and protecting civilians should be the priority, while additional resources are sought and coordination between willing partners is forged for a new kind of disarmament attempt.<br />
A comprehensive strategy has to be developed, involving the Congo government, Rwanda, MONUC and the other international facilitators that joined in Nairobi declaration, including the African Union, the U.S. and the EU. Their political and operational inputs should be coordinated in a new FDLR disarmament mechanism that should plan both military measures and informational campaigns, as well as prepare the ground for judicial processes in the countries where FDLR political leaders have sought refuge and from which they spread the propaganda that is an important part of the hold they maintain over ordinary fighters. Without such additional efforts and new international momentum, the population of the Kivu will continue to bear the brunt of the FDLR’s presence and of the failed attempts to disarm them, and the fragile Congolese state will remain at risk.<br />
RECOMMENDATIONS<br />
To the Government of Congo:<br />
1.  Suspend operation “Kimia II” and refrain from any further military offensive against the FDLR at this time, shifting priority to protecting the Kivu population against FDLR attacks and reprisals by establishing protected areas close to rebel-held territory and controlling major roads day and night.<br />
2.  Participate in the planning and implementation of a new FDLR disarmament strategy as described below.<br />
3.  Actively pursue normal relations with Rwanda, notably by establishing cross-border development projects within the framework of the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries and by jointly analysing the region’s traumatic history within the framework of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), so as to foster reconciliation between Congolese and Rwandans.<br />
To MONUC:<br />
4.  Reinforce the training given FARDC brigades and assign military mentors to Congolese units.<br />
5.  Insert civilian specialists into the joint FARDC-MONUC military planning unit and facilitate the design of civil-military cooperation projects aimed at protecting civilians and building confidence between civilians and Congolese security forces.<br />
6.  Ensure the 3,000 reinforcements authorised by UN Security Council Resolution 1853 are speedily deployed in eastern Congo.<br />
7.  Reinforce the Disarmament, Demobilisation, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement (DDRRR) section with specialists in intelligence and psychological operations, as well as legal experts who can develop cases for prosecution of crimes committed during the Congo’s violent conflicts.<br />
To the members of the international facilitation of the Nairobi communiqué (AU, EU, U.S., UN):<br />
8.  Establish a mechanism for strategic management of FDLR disarmament and demobilisation composed of military and civilian MONUC personnel, Congolese and Rwandan officials, specialists from facilitation countries, and liaison officers with Interpol, the International Criminal Court and the World Bank, to formulate a new FDLR disarmament strategy and to coordinate the activities of all international entities – military and civilian – involved in its implementation. This strategy should include:<br />
a)  intensive counter-propaganda and other sophisticated psychological operations targeting the FDLR rank and file for voluntary disarmament;<br />
b)  offers of third country relocation to those who do not wish to return to Rwanda or settle in Congo;<br />
c)  action within the scope of national laws to limit the ability of the FDLR political leadership living in countries such as France, Belgium, Germany, the U.S., Canada, Cameroon, Zambia and Kenya to operate freely, including, where such a possibility exists under their domestic law, investigation and prosecution of leadership members for complicity in war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in eastern Congo;<br />
d)  selection and training of eight battalions of the Congolese national army (the FARDC) dedicated to cordon and search operations in support of special forces operations, with offensive military actions against the FDLR not to be undertaken before this training is completed and a clear military doctrine has been established for the force; and<br />
e)     operations by Rwandan special forces focusing on neutralising the FDLR command and control structure.<br />
To the Government of Rwanda:<br />
9.  Participate in the planning and implementation of a new FDLR disarmament strategy as described above.<br />
10.  Submit a revised list of FDLR leaders suspected of participation in the 1994 genocide.<br />
11.  Take part in technical discussions under the auspices of UN Special Envoy Obasanjo with FDLR officers not included in the list with respect to the conditions of their repatriation or relocation under international supervision.<br />
12.  Actively pursue normal relations with the DRC, notably by establishing cross-border development projects within the framework of the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries and by jointly analysing the region’s traumatic history within the framework of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), so as to foster reconciliation between Congolese and Rwandans.
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