According to Teri Kwal Gamble and Michael W Gamble in their publication, Making Sense of Senselessness, ‘…untangling the causes of terrorism is much like trying to understand why war occurs…It is possible , however to explain that terrorism occurs because, like war, it is misleading to treat terrorism as the irrational acts of crazed fanatics. To the contrary, terrorism occurs because many of those who use it consider it a necessary, legitimate and effective tool to rid themselves of what they consider oppression….’

It is therefore not surprising when Nigerians first became aware of Boko Haram, a militant Islamic group founded by Mohammed Yusuf around 2000, as simply an extremist religious sect, seeking strict implementation of the Islamic law, Sharia. But then, the implications of the interpretation of the Hausa name: Boko Haram, which means ‘Western Education is Sin,’ was not lost on anyone.

By the time the sect was directly implicated in the 2009 sectarian violence that enveloped the city of Maiduguri in North Eastern Nigeria, resulting in the death of over 450 people, it became obvious that a major problem had set into Nigeria’s socio-political life.

Tolerated and even courted by some politicians in the North Eastern part of the country mainly, the group was allowed to flourish and grow stronger and more sophisticated before it dawned on all that indeed it was no longer the harmless group that these politicians would have unsuspecting Nigerians believe. Although, little findings have been made concerning the command structure of the group after the extra judicial killing of its founding leader, Mohammed Yusuf in 2009, it is clear that the group has since been divided into factions, with some of the factions having links with terror groups outside Nigeria. Indeed, the links had been traced to Somalia, North Africa and beyond, while the dominant areas of operation of the groups still remain the North Eastern States of Borno, Bauchi and Yobe, with several other attacks reported in Plateau and Niger States, North Central Nigeria.

For maximum attention and impact the trend is for the sect to choose important national events or festivals to launch their deadly acts. In early November 2011 just two days to the Muslim festival of Eid-el-Kabir, it unleashed a devastating bombing spree on Potiskum and Damaturu in Yobe state, as well as Maiduguri in Borno State. It also targeted the 1st October 2011 Independence day celebration in Abuja, forcing the Federal Government to shift the independence day activities into the confines of State House. Since then, several bomb blasts have been recorded across the Northern parts of Nigeria with casualty figures well above 1,000.

The most significant, though not the least deadly were the blasts at the Police Headquarters of 16 June 2011 and the U.N. Head office, of 22 August 2011, both in Abuja, the seat of the Federal Government. Since then police stations have been vandalised at will and officers and men cut down with so much ease, including several officers of the State Security Service. In like manner, soldiers, especially members of the Joint Task Force, set up to tackle the menace are not spared. Even the precincts of army barracks have been hit by bombs while vulnerable banks have been attacked and millions of Naira taken to finance their various activities.

The most devastating of all the attacks came on Friday, January 20, 2012, a few hours after the Jumaat prayers (Friday Muslim prayers). On that fateful day, members of Boko Haram launched coordinated bomb and gun attacks in Kano, North Western Nigeria, targeting the State Security Service office, the Zonal and State headquarters of the police and several other police formations and the Immigration Office in the metropolis. The official casualty figure released by the police was 185, although reports by journalists and various aid groups put the figure at well above that. The sect will later claim that the Kano bombings were reprisals against the people and government of Kano State over the way and manner their members were been arrested and arbitrarily detained by the police. It will indeed be recalled that the sect had issued a warning that unless its members that were being detained by the police in various detention centres in the state were released forthwith, the city will not be spared. True to that threat, mayhem was unleashed on Kano, the magnitude of which had never been felt before.

Why then Boko Haram, if one may ask? According to the sect whose official name is Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunnah Lidda’awati Wal Jihad their aim is to completely Islamise Nigeria by having the Islamic Law firmly in place. The sect does not recognise the Nigerian constitution neither does it recognise the leadership of President Goodluck Jonathan. The man who identifies himself as the leader of the sect, Imam Abu Muhammad Abubakar Bin Muhammad Shekau had rebuffed any move at initiating dialogue with government. Iman Shekau who demanded that President Jonathan must first convert to Islam before any compromises scoffed at the recent hint by the President that government may be willing to dialogue with the sect. President Jonathan had in an interview with Reuters on Friday 27th January challenged the sect to come out publicly and declare what it wants from government, stating that his government may consider to dialogue with the group.

But the group remains adamant insisting that their demands be met first before any talks can be held. This clearly shows that the agenda of this sect goes beyond the merely religious connotation the issue had been given, knowing very well that it is impossible to implement their demand even in the North Eastern parts of Nigeria, not to talk of the entire country. What then is the motive behind these violent agitations?

President Jonathan had recently revealed at a church service to commemorate the 2012 Armed Forces Remembrance Day that members of the sect had infiltrated his government, the armed forces and the police. The president cannot be far from the truth judging by the inability of government to fight this group, which appeared to have better intelligence and more information about all decisions and actions of government. Recently, a high profile suspect that allegedly masterminded the Christmas day 2011 bombing of a church in Madalla, Niger State where about 50 persons were killed, Kabiru Sokoto escaped from police custody in a very mysterious manner while being conveyed to his house for a search by the police. So far, this development had claimed its highest casualty yet in the person of the former Inspector General of Police, Hafiz Ringim who was removed from office for this and for his general inability to deal with the violence.

According to the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the whole problem is about poverty. In an interview he granted the Financial Times of London, Friday, 27th January 2012, he argued that ‘….There is a structural imbalance of enormous proportions. Those states {North Eastern Nigeria} simply do not have enough money to meet basic needs while some states {South South Nigeria} have too much….’ He cited the example of Federal allocation based on derivation from the oil revenue to Rivers State between 1999-2008 as being to the tune of N1,053 Billion as against the allocation to the States of Borno and Yobe which stood at only N385 Billion for the same period. Sanusi believes that it is now necessary to focus funds on regenerating other regions, if Nigeria wants to secure long-term stability.

While the Central Bank governor blames deprivation as the main cause of instability, others are of the opinion that the activities of the Boko Haram sect are clearly aimed at Balkanizing the country. Even the sect did not deny this when at the tail end of 2011 it issued an order for all Christians in Yobe state in particular to leave the state before a certain date. The threat to annihilate Christians was actually carried out as thousands of Christians had to flee the state for their life while their homes were razed down by the sect in a violent orgy of bloodletting. While Christians from other states of the country returned to their respective states abandoning their work and businesses, indigenous Christians from Yobe state have massively relocated to other areas of safety, leaving desolation in the wake of this ugly development.

In their various and varied reactions to the menace of this sect, the leaders of South South and South East Nigeria believe that the continued violence on the nation is a clear indication that the perpetrators are working with some unscrupulous politicians to scuttle the present political leadership in the country. They cannot be far from the truth. Throughout the period of the recent fuel subsidy removal protests in the country, the sect refrained from any violent activity; this complete lull in violence gave an insight into the hidden motive of the people behind the sect. However, when the Labour movement called off the protests after government had agreed to review downward the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit, the sect issued a threat on labour leaders for what it termed a betrayal of the people. The question then is since when had this group represented the general interest of the masses of Nigeria; some of the questions that needs answers.

Perhaps it is based on such trends that these leaders raised alarm, and rightly so, that Nigeria was being programmed for sinister considerations, and warned the armed forces not to contemplate any change of government as a result of the wanton destruction of life and property by an amorphous group. In the same vein, the Ijaw Youth {Jonathan’s kinsmen} in an open letter to the nation also alleged that some politicians who want to grab power at all cost are the ones sponsoring the Boko Haram sect.

While it is easy to empathize with President Jonathan that members of the dreaded sect have infiltrated his government, the truth however remains that this sect that started as a peoples’ movement around 2000 in the North Eastern part of the country has been hijacked by some politicians who want to remove Jonathan from office. For now, it is the culture of silence and complicity as no Northern politician is willing to come out openly and identify the sponsors of this sect or to talk evil of their activities all in the name of fear. Indeed, the Northern Governors have been accused of paying various sums of money to the sect to elicit their cooperation in one form or the other, a claim that had been vehemently denied, although there appears to be more than meets the eye in the entire Boko Haram conundrum. For now, while the violence continues, it is more an issue of politics rather than religion, although the religious angle is being dangled vociferously to elicit the cooperation of the majority of the gullible people in the region. And, for now it seems to be working.

This new quarterly economic forecast is well placed to offer insight on macroeconomic trends across 25 RGMs which have been selected based on the size of the economy and population, strategic importance for business and proven strong growth and future potential. Included among the 25 RGMs are four African economies, namely South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana and Egypt.

Michael Lalor, Leader of the Africa Business Center at Ernst & Young comments, ‘We are particularly delighted that African economies are being included on an equal footing with other RGMs. This reflects Africa’s sustainable growth story and the increasing attractiveness of the continent for foreign investors.’

Longer term projections also reveal that RGM nations have grown on average by 5.8% per year over the last decade, more than three times as fast as the advanced economies combined. This fast pace of expansion is set to continue with growth in RGMs outpacing the advanced economies by more than 3.5% per annum over the next decade.

However, this future growth is all on condition that nations are able to deal with inflationary pressures and have adequate infrastructure in place to secure long term growth.

But with Nigeria, Kenya and Uganda recently raising interest rates in order to curb inflation, it seems, where possible, African governments are taking steps in order to continue this upward trend.

The inclusion of South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana and Egypt in the RGMs reflects the measures many African countries have taken to open up their economies and improve trade. As we reported last week, a new joint report by the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and the World Bank (Doing Business in a More Transparent World 2012), recorded a significant improvement to the ‘ease of doing business’ on the continent, with many countries implementing – and, crucially, adhering to – policy and regulatory processes.

An additional factor which may support continuing growth is that the RGMs bounced back from the global recession, with their GDP rising on average by 7.3% in 2010 – back to the buoyant rates that preceded the financial crisis. Although the forecast predicts a future marginal decline, this is more likely to affect South Africa and Egypt as, according to Lalor, they are most closely integrated into the global economy so are most directly impacted by the slowdown in mature market. With average GDP growth just under 6% in 2012, both Ghana and Nigeria together with a number of other economies in sub-Saharan Africa continue to grow at rates in excess of 7%. With exports accounting for around 50% of GDP in the RGMs as a whole, compared with 13% in the US or 41% in the Eurozone, it seems African markets are positioned to be virtually indispensible to the global economy.

Rain Newton-Smith, Senior Economic Adviser to Ernst & Young’s Rapid Growth Markets Forecast comments, ‘The RGMs are becoming increasingly more important in terms of both their overall weight in the world economy and their global influence. While the advanced economies struggle with weak growth the RGMs are well-placed to weather the economic storm.’

While the chaotic Eurozone crisis will inevitably continue to weigh on growth in the RGMs in 2012, the report indicates western companies are pursuing growth in the RGMs as a result of weak home markets. Ernst & Young’s Africa Attractiveness Survey, also illustrated the increasingly important role that investors from BRIC markets like China, India and also South Africa are playing on the continent. RGMF expects countries such as China and India to be more modestly affected, partly reflecting the large size of their domestic markets and the beneficial effects of lower oil and commodity prices, meaning that their investment is likely to continue – a good sign as foreign direct investment inflows to all RGMs have risen from US$205b in 2000 to US$444b in 2010, and they now receive around 50% of global foreign direct investment inflows.

Lalor says that in the African context, particular attention will need to continue to be given to ongoing institutional and regulatory reform, economic diversification, and the development of financial markets, all of which would help sustain and accelerate growth and development.

www.ey.com/rapidgrowth

The new measures were established by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)’s monetary policy committee (MPC), less than a week after Kenya and Uganda raised their own policy rates. The MPC hiked the benchmark interest rate by 275 points to 12 percent, owing to rising risks to the inflation outlook from a broad combination of factors.

Investment bank Renaissance Capital said Nigeria’s increase was ‘bigger than our expectation of a 175-bpt hike’, in part due to ‘falling foreign exchange (FX) reserves and a deteriorating global outlook; a delay in the implementation of policies, particularly the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB); the likelihood of a lax 2012 budget; and low real interest rates’.

With the naira currency falling more than 8 percent in under two months and interest rates already raised six times this year, this firm move is the clearest indication hitherto of the country’s commitment to support the national currency and curb inflation.

The failing of the naira in recent weeks had led to widespread speculation that a de-valuation would be announced at the meeting. In accord with Renaissance’s expectations, the MPC opted not to de-value, on the contrary, it reiterated that a stable naira is crucial to Nigeria’s economic future. The country’s foreign currency reserves have also been depleted, with dollars sold at bi-weekly auctions, and oil-prices declining. This undermines the Central Bank’s ability to support the naira within its targeted 3 percentage-point band above or below 150 per dollar.

The MPC estimates that the implementation of the PIB and removal of fuel subsidies would result in a $10bn improvement in FX reserves annually. According to Governor Sanusi, Nigeria is realising limited benefits from the high oil price, including FX inflows, because of the inequitable fiscal arrangement. Given the falling oil price, strong demand for reserves, and proposed increase in fiscal spending in 2012, downward pressure on the naira looks set to persist.

Uganda and Kenya’s interest rates rose by 400 bpts hikes last week. The worst drought in 60 years in East Africa has fuelled inflation in both countries, prompting investors to desert the currencies at a time when risk aversion globally picked up, compounding the fall.

Now the World Bank predicts this will continue to rise to 43 million by 2030, growth which seems attainable for Nigeria at least; a survey released  by Renaissance Capital reveals a nation that is optimistic about economic growth, values entrepreneurship and is primed to capitalise on a boom in consumption.

The survey questioned 1,004 middle-class Nigerians, living in the cities of Lagos, Abuja and Port Harcourt. The status of middle class was conferred to those living on $2-$20 a day.

The results reveal typically middle class traits; 92% of those surveyed obtained post-secondary education or studied at an institution of higher learning. Educating their children well proved a top priority as over half send their offspring abroad to complete their education. The average household size is 3.7 people, while the average number of cars is 0.8; around one third of middle-class Nigerians have a car that is less than five years old.

 ’The Nigerian middle class we surveyed has a monthly income of some $500-600 and nearly half will be buying fridges, freezers and other white goods, suggesting a consumer boom is under way,’ Renaissance said. ‘We cite the upside for consumer lending retail, white-goods retail, lifestyle and leisure, housing development and home improvement.’

The growth of Nigeria’s middle class follows a rise in the country’s Gross Domestic Product, which increased five fold from $46 billion in 2000, to $247 billion in 2011; during the same period the population increased by just more than one-third, from 119mn to 160mn.

The report also notes that Nigerians have a culture of saving; most of those surveyed did not have mortgages (which represent approximately 1% of GDP) or credit cards, although many expect to apply for the latter. This suggests there is ample opportunity for expansion in the consumer lending sector.

Growth in online commerce and more formal retail outlets can be expected too. With 73% still shopping at open air markets it could be an opportune time for franchises to break into a relatively untapped market; the success of Palms Mall which opened in Lagos in 2006 indicates consumer interest, and brought foreign companies such as electronics giant Samsung of South Korea and Spanish retail chain Mango to the country. Despite 48% percent having internet access, only 2% confess to shopping online at least once a month, statistics which suggest huge scope for online retail expansion in the country too.

However, despite these welcome statistics it is not all good news. Most of Africa’s middle class – 21% of the whole population – spend just over the $2per day poverty line threshold, earning between that and $4 which puts them at risk of sliding into a less comfortable economic category.

Professor Patrick Utomi, a political change activist has decried the near dearth of the middle class in Nigeria for several years now. In an interview in late 2007, Utomi had warned that ‘no nation will make meaningful progress unless it adequately caters for the emerging middle class who are expected to help drive the local economy’.

This is reflected in Renaissance’s findings, as the key areas of concern for Nigerians over the next 12 months are the supply of electricity and unemployment, with between 19-23% citing these as concerns; crime (5%) and corruption (3.5%) are seen as far less concerning.

Economists have estimated that Nigeria’s informal economy is at least as big as the country’s roughly $200 billion formal one. But the issues of poor roads, chronic power outages and dirty drinking water are still holding back progress; improvements to substandard infrastructure, the poorly functioning electricity grid and advances in the country’s education system are all factors that need to be addressed in order to propel the growth of the middle classes.

 Kenyan economist James Shikwati has suggested that middle-income consumers are also a driving force for political change:

‘It’s empowering,’ he said. ‘If you give people a sense of freedom in the economic sector, then you deny it in the political sector, you have a problem.’

It is certainly a positive result that despite poor public services and high levels of corruption, three-quarters of those surveyed are optimistic about the future of Nigeria.

Lessons from Nigeria’s 2011 Elections, International Crisis Group’s latest briefing, examines the vote that restored President Goodluck Jonathan to office and left the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) damaged, but still in control of the national administration .

The election was generally considered the fairest and most free ballot Nigeria has staged in recent times; however it is not indicative of a congruent government and serious efforts will have to be made to restore confidence to the country. Indeed despite Jonathan’s overall win for PDP, the party lost their two-thirds majority in the Senate and now holds the governorship in only 23 of the 36 states, compared to 27 after the 2007 elections.

Jonathan’s victory was marred by controversy, due to the country’s tradition of rotating the top office between the Muslim north and Christian south. Christian Jonathan assumed office mid-term following the death of Umaru Yar’Adua in May 2010, who was a Muslim. Jonathan’s subsequent electoral win will effectively see him retain power for longer than any candidate (or denomination) is expected.

Other divisive elements of this year’s ballot include an initial delay to the polls; a result of the implementation of a new voter system. The polls were actually in progress in several states when Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) chair affirmed the postponement necessary to ‘maintain the integrity of the elections and retain effective overall control of the process’.

This move was met with protest and interpreted variously as; a ploy to rig results, a broad move to block such attempts, pure incompetence or a mixture of all three, theories which undermined the transparency of proceedings before they had properly begun.

For the 2015 election the planning must begin much earlier. International Crisis Group state that ‘voter registration need not be as chaotic and expensive as it was this year…’, and call for early reforms to be made by the INEC with respect to ‘restructuring and constituency delineation’.

This year’s polls did however chart some progress in fighting corruption, which was a particular issue during the 2007 polls. Attahiru Jeg, the INEC chair, and his team won praise for instituting important reforms including the prosecution and sentencing of officials (including the electoral body’s own staff) for electoral offences.

By strengthening the structure of the voting system itself, it is hoped that confidence in the transparency of elections, and therefore political leaders, will be re-established. ICG consider the ‘institutional support from the police, army and other security agencies as well as from domestic and international observers’ to have been invaluable in this respect, however they also concede that this structural change will only be possible alongside broad political and economic measures to make the state more relevant to citizens and address the root causes of deadly violence in society.

The protracted violence in both the run up to and aftermath of the elections is another crucial area which exposes the new government’s weaknesses.

Following the results, conflict erupted in Northern states and saw over 1,000 people killed; the protests made the elections one of the bloodiest ever. With the Islamic fundamentalist group Boko Haram taking responsibility for fatal bomb blasts across the country and the upsurge of violence in several states encouraged by politicians and their supporters, ICG emphasise the importance of strengthening government as a strategy to combat such militancy.

Nigeria may have broken, to some extent, the succession of flawed and bad elections- but the challenges that lie ahead are not to be underestimated. Between now and the next general polls in 2015, far-reaching electoral, political and economic reforms are needed to help consolidate the modest gains made in 2011 and launch the country on the path of lasting and sustainable electoral change.

Separate statements by ACN National Publicity Secretary Lai Mohammed and the CPC former National Publicity Secretary Dennis Aghanya, urged Jonathan to spearhead the campaign to raise funds to provide food and shelter for the victims.

‘It is not enough for Nigeria to hide under the cover of the ever-lethargic African Union (AU) to make its contributions to efforts to assist the victims, especially at a time that the country is occupying the position of the rotational chairmanship of the 15-member regional group Economic Community of West African States’, Mohammed said.

Aghanya on his part, called on the National Assembly to urge Jonathan to send an intervention package to Somalia.

Experts in international law, diplomacy and strategic studies in Nigeria and elsewhere continue to identify new factors to the chaotic and toxic mix that transcend boundaries and threaten to erode national cohesion and stability. The most perilous of these are the so called ‘new risks’: drug trafficking , transnational organised crime and nuclear smuggling, refugee movements , uncontrolled and illegal immigration , environmental risks and international terrorism which present a difficult dilemma for policy makers : the very same policies that work to bring about open , democratic , pluralistic societies and open markets also make trans sovereign threats possible – and the pursuit and defeat of these enemies has become the concern of governments all over the world.

High profile conferences have not yielded the desired results for most countries in the continent of Africa. Nigeria, the giant has continued to suffer in the grip of violent groups who continue to threaten the corporate entity of the nation. All these have been attributed to years of bad governance that had viciously exploited the resources of the country for the benefit of a few selfish leaders and their collaborators. This has exposed Nigeria as a fertile ground for recruitment into such groups that majorly derive their sympathy from the teeming masses who continue to wallow in abject poverty and the millions of unemployed youths willing to be engaged by just any group that can provide hope and a little stipend.

By Shu’aibu Usman Leman in Maiduguri in northern Nigeria

Out of 11 booming African nations that have already achieved at least 7% annual growth, three countries have achieved an annual growth by 10%, making the continent one of the fastest-growing economies in the world.

According to Charles Robertson, Global Chief Economist at Renaissance Capital, Nigeria is now next in line to experience rapid growth and predicted that the country is likely to shift its 9% growth rate into double digits if it expands its access to cheap electricity.

Robertson also claimed that Ivory Coast could have financially bright future, and stated: ‘We see scope for improved governance in Côte d’Ivoire, in turn enabling it to emulate Sierra Leone’s 10% annual growth rate. The positive examples provided by countries like Rwanda highlight the success that others across Africa might copy.’

Africa is now the home of the world’s fastest-growing economies and has more rapidly developing economies than any other continent. From 2000 to 2009, 11 African countries grew at an annual rate of 7% or more – a rate sufficient to double the economy in 10 years, according to a report by Robertson. This is a big change from the 1980s and 1990s, when just three African countries achieved this level of growth.

Nine countries out of the 11 booming nations were in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) where six benefited from higher energy prices. Five out of the 11 countries achieved growth from mechanisms other than energy or metal exports.

Robertson stated: ‘After a generation of relative stagnation in the late 20th century, many in Africa have now begun the long-awaited period of catch-up with the developed world. The bottom billion is becoming the fastest billion.’

He continued: ‘Today, Africa has richer export markets to pick from not just in North America and Europe, but also across an increasing number of Asian countries. Delivering that export growth is easier too, as telecoms opens up services as a route for export growth.’

Effective policymaking can lead to growth and becomes, according to Robertson, increasingly harder to ignore. In the past years North Korea and Cuba have made efforts to bring market forces into their economic systems ‘but we find far more to be inspired by in Rwanda and Mauritius’ he said.

Increasing investment rates could go a long way towards broadening and accelerating growth across Africa. This investment might flow from external sources, such as in South-East Asia. Examples of this are the Chinese lending to Africa and the US trade giant Walmart’s investment in African retail. Robertson stated that: ‘Foreign portfolio flows can reduce borrowing costs for companies, and provide equity financing for businesses to expand.’

The Power Kick for Africa 2011 conference concentrated on the relations between energy and gender which is a current key issue as few African women have access to electricity.

About 70 percent of Nigeria’s households in both semi-urban and urban areas are using firewood as a primary cooking fuel. Today, cooking with firewood causes about two million deaths each year around the globe, with approximately 400.000 in Africa.

Christine K., Director of Heinrich Böll Foundation Nigeria, said: ‘The energy landscape of millions of Nigerian women looks like that: no access at all, besides her own physical power and the battery inside her torch. They have a low carbon footprint and a low life expectancy.’

According to the World Future Council, access to energy can improve women’s social, economic and political status and reduce their time and effort involved in household chores. Access to energy can also provide better health and educational conditions, expand income-generating opportunities and ease their participation in public affairs.

By presenting community based examples, the conference raised awareness for applicable and people oriented policies. For instance, a highly efficient cooking stove was introduced by the Developmental Association for Renewable Energies which saves with 80 percent on fuel wood compared to traditional stoves.

Ms. Elizabeth Thabethe, Deputy Minister, Department of Trade and Industry, Republic of South Africa, said: “A change in energy production paradigm is necessary, and women should be at the forefront of the energy revolution. Women of the continent should be champions of this new energy production paradigm that promotes the utilization of clean energy sources.”

It was concluded by conference participants that Africa not only need sustainable policies and legislations but also action and implementation on the ground to trigger a mind change of the consumer and to push policy makers to scale the best practices up to decent policy. “We don’t need megatalk. We need Megawatt” said Chidi Izuwah, from the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission of Nigeria. The country has set an ambitious target to achieve 20 percent renewable energy.

There were 70 participants from 13 African Nations, including policy makers and representatives from business and civil society that came together to discuss the topic of renewable energy at the conference which took place on the 30th June to 1st July. In sessions on policy, technology, project development, finance and African leapfrogging participants exchanged experiences in best practices as well as their best policies.

Following is the contribution made by John Smith, who had been a young District Officer in Nigeria:

I took part in the decade of preparation for Nigerian independence. Discussion of governance and constitutional change was the substance of every village meeting day after day, year after year as I toured my district. Each election also gave me a role in training, organisation and direct duty. Even as private secretary to the governor I was returning officer for Kaduna, the Northern capital, for the pre-independence federal election of 1959.

I do not recall that we questioned the Westminster model. It was what we had grown up with and what we thought we knew. We still saw Britain as a world power, the leading example of parliamentary democracy and Westminster the mother of parliaments. When Ghana led the way to independence in 1957 anything other than the Westminster model, inclusive of Speaker in full bottomed wig processing into the chamber behind a mace bearer, would have been seen as second class and insulting. Ghana’s independence constitution is, perhaps, as close as one can get to the written constitution that Britain has never had.