A report published by Oxfam highlighted that more than twenty two thousand people have been evicted, some facing a violent upheaval and others having no form of compensation.

Members of the Aid Agency have requested to see the sites where violent eviction has taken place. One man has stated that he was forced to give his cattle to NFC staff, and in order to have them returned he had to make a payment. Since doing so he has received a full refund.

As well as this, Citizens in Mubende and Kibogo districts voiced their concerns over the harassment and intimidation they have faced from NFC staff.

The International Aid Agency has also received reports stating that members of the NFC have been questioning individuals that have spoken to the media about their evictions.

Oxfam’s Chief Executive Barbara Stocking said, ‘Many people in these communities are clearly feeling intimidated by the actions of NFC, which are totally at odds with the principles of an independent and transparent investigation. They have already lost their homes and land and many have been subjected to violent behaviour. They need a credible investigation not further pressure. NFC must show that they are serious about the allegations that have been made.’

Oxfam have requested for an independent chairperson and investigatory body to be in charge to avoid company workers undermining the process and to ensure that the affected citizens are protected. These allegations have left the NFC with no option; they need to run an independent investigation.

Uganda is one of eight countries where Idasa-GAP, with local partners, has been collating information on the regional impact of HIV and AIDS. Research has focused upon the potential of local government institutions to deliver the services expected by its citizenry, local perspectives of financing and spending towards HIV and AIDS, and AIDS-induced exclusion from social, political and economic life.

The conclusions were presented at a consultative meeting in Uganda’s capital Kampala on 13 September, with politicians, government officials and civil society organisations from the HIV/AIDS and governance sectors in attendance. Keynotes speaker and country director of the Alliance of Mayors and Municipal Leaders on HIV/AIDS in Africa (AMICAALL), Dr John Mugisa, said good governance was central to responsive HIV and AIDS governance.

‘As long as responses developed at the national level are not operational on a local level we will not move forward in responding to the needs of ordinary citizens affected by the epidemic.’ he said.

The data also points to several systemic and structural challenges facing local governments, like inadequate capacity to manage local affairs and to cope with the new demands emerging from HIV and AIDS related services. The report notes that some leaders lack the experience and skills to handle the ‘dynamics and complexities’ of HIV and AIDS.

Whilst the findings are hugely encouraging and represent a changing attitude towards AIDS and HIV in the country, Uganda’s past elections have been characteristically dogged by allegations of rigged elections, voter intimidation and media bias; so it is unclear whether these views will be reflected in future polls.

Al-Amin Kimathi and four others were freed at the start of their trial which began on Monday 12th Sept.

Amnesty International’s Africa Deputy Programme director Michelle Kagari commented that the release was ‘long overdue’.

NGO Director Al-Amin Kimathi was arrested along with Kenyan lawyer Mbugua Mureithi en route to Uganda last September. Both men had been planning to attend the trial of six Kenyans who had been arrested for their involvement in a bomb attack in Kampala last July. The attack targeted a group watching the 2010 football World Cup final, killing 76 and injuring many more.

Whilst Mureithi was released after three days and deported back to Kenya, Kimathi was held without contact for six days before being indicted with terrorism and murder on 21 September.

Kimathi, head of the Muslim Human Rights Forum and an active human rights advocate, was held for almost a year in pre-trial detention. During this time no specific evidence pertaining to his involvement in the bombings was ever produced by the Ugandan authorities.

Kagari confirms that this ‘strongly suggests that the terrorism charges were simply a pretext to detain him for carrying out his human rights work.’

Authorities deported and restricted the work of human rights activists, lawyers and organisations such as Amnesty in monitoring the case against Kimathi and his treatment whilst imprisoned.

Following his release, it has been reported that Kimathi may sue for wrongful arrest.

It is graduation season, and one recent graduate, a Ford Foundation International Fellow, who recently completed his International Legal Studies Program at American University’s Washington College of Law, recently stood taller than all the other graduates, at least in my mind, as he received his Master of Laws degree. However, in reality; disabled Ugandan lawyer, Med Ssengooba doesn’t stand at all. In fact his mobility is effected by a wheel chair. I was fortunate to meet him at an event titled Challenges Of Living With A Disability In Africa: A Legal Approach organized by The African Justice Initiative, a group created to highlight, raise awareness and create discourse on African issues from a legal perspective headed by Nana Yaa Anyane-Yeboa at his school, where he spoke about the challenges of being a Person(s) With Disabilities (PWD) in Uganda. Below are excerpts.

Who is Med Ssengooba?

I was born in 1981 into a very large typical Ugandan family. During this period, polio was at its height in Uganda and the situation was exacerbated by political unrest. In 1984 at the age of 3, I contracted the disease and suffered from the resultant paralysis and hence became a PWD whose mobility is wheel chair dependent.

After years of treatment, I began my education at seven years old, which was late compared to other children, but at the time there were a few nursery schools that would accept children with disabilities. I later attended a special needs school for children with physical disabilities for my primary education. Studying in a specialized school seemed better to me because the physical environment was more accessible, and I had a no questions to answer from fellow students as we were all PWD. Receiving a secondary and university education was very challenging, as I had to cope with a very disability unfriendly environment, including teachers with little or no special education skills and some who seemed bothered by having a disabled student in their classroom.

As a student with a physical disability, and a wheelchair user, my education has been hampered by many factors beyond my school fees, many of which my scholarships couldn’t help. I have experienced several types of disability based discrimination. For example, I almost lost a year of high school because schools weren’t interested in admitting a wheelchair bound student who had better grades than most of their students. Access to school facilities has always been very difficult and sometimes impossible for me. Most schools don’t have handicap accessible toilets, meaning I’d have to restrain myself for the day. Classrooms, libraries and dormitories weren’t any better. I faced reoccurring accessibility and negative behavioural situations, which always carry extra financial and psychological costs all through my undergraduate education till I received my post graduate diploma. I cannot measure the impact such situations like writing exams without being given extra time, and being lifted on steps by kind but untrained people and the associated risks of injury involved have had on my academic grades. These inconveniences caused by very limited accommodation of PWD questions the saying, “Disability is not inability,” because they directly impact one’s grades, which are subsequently used to measure one’s intellectual abilities.

My experiences as a PWD and an advocate for disability rights have exposed me to numerous human rights violations that PWD endure, most of which are unchallenged. Our society excludes and construes PWD in a demeaning way. PWD are victims of myths and superstitions, are objects of ridicule and are branded with demeaning names like “Kasiru,” which in Luganda, the Ugandan language, literately means a deaf person, but loosely translated means “stupid.”

It should be noted that like in many other parts of the world, a number of positive changes are taking effect to positively impact the lives of PWD in Africa. These changes have seen a few PWD like me acquire an education and assume leadership positions. However, there still remains much to be done to improve the lives of PWD at the family, society, state and national levels. Such combined efforts have had proven successful results. For example, in my case, my parents sponsored and facilitated my education till I finished high school. I then won a government scholarship for my undergraduate law degree and a Ford Foundation Scholarship for my Master of Laws degree. This shows the relevance of coordinated efforts between different actors, which if adopted by all sectors including the employment and health sectors, independent living will become a reality for many more PWD, which will in turn positively impact the nation.

What are the realities of PWD in Africa?

I am an attorney in Uganda, but I am an exception not the norm. In Uganda, as in many other parts of Africa, disabilities are associated with evil spirits, curses, and punishment for the wrong deeds of one’s parents or ancestors. There’s little understanding that a PWD is a human being who is equal to everyone else in society and is entitled to all the same rights, privileges, and opportunities. PWD are often totally dependent on others who often don’t treat them well. They usually have no means to effectively manage their disability and the related needs including mobility devices, medication and regular medical treatment. Many PWD have no capacity to decide their fate and are abandoned in the rural areas, where they stay poor, helpless, neglected and betrayed by their family and community members who should protect them.

Generally, PWD in Africa lack access to public and government facilities including health centers, schools and legal centers like police stations and courts. The majority of PWD are uneducated and vocationally unskilled, so they are mostly unemployed. Those who do receive an opportunity to earn an income are destined for menial jobs. This partly explains the large numbers of disabled beggars on the streets of many capital cities of African countries.

PWD are often left homeless and live on the streets where they are even more vulnerable. Most endure unwanted conflicts, assaults and batteries. Female PWD also endure sexual exploitation. As a result of rape and defilement, many have contacted HIV/AIDS. Unwanted pregnancies have also resulted from such situations and the additional burden of raising fatherless children alone is added to their already difficult lives.

What are current disability trends in Africa?

Fortunately, international civil society organizations have prioritized PWD by targeting it either directly or indirectly in many programs they support in Africa. The trend is now formation of associations and partnerships such as Disabled Persons Organizations (DPOs), Community Based Organizations (CBOs) and International partnerships with donors, the community and advocacy based agencies. For example, the non-profit organization where I’m an administrator, Legal Action for Persons with Disabilities (LAPD), was receiving financial and technical support in its legal aid service provision to PWD in Uganda from different actors from the US, UK, and Denmark.

Legislative and policy measures on disability are currently under way. Countries like Uganda, South Africa, Ghana, and Tanzania, have either enacted laws on disability or restructured their domestic laws to reflect disability needs. Numerous policies and strategies have been generated to guide disability work in several African countries. Many countries have included and captured disability performance data because of the Millennium Development Goals, which has necessitated the need to report to numerous human rights committees and other groups.

International Conventions such as the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of PWD (CRPD) have guided laws on disabilities in countries like Uganda and Tanzania. While a lot still needs to be done to implement and fine-tune these laws to reflect the real intentions of the authors, there’s now a ray of hope. The CRPD has led to the creation of numerous disability rights agencies sponsoring disability work inAfrica and some offer technical support. They include Disability Rights Fund (DRF),   Open Society Institute’s (OSI) Disability Rights Initiative (DRI), and International Disability Alliance’s (IDA) CRPD Forum, all of which are targeting effective and full implementation of human rights enhancement for PWD worldwide based on the UNCRPD. Also, there are now enhanced conceptualizations of disabilities from a human rights perspective, and national human rights commissions have established units on disabilities in Uganda, Nigeria, South Africa and Ghana.

What type of sensitization is needed?

Changing wrong perceptions about PWD is absolutely necessary. Understanding disability from a human rights perspective as being similar to a patient with care needs and utilizing suitable approaches in handling disability concerns is necessary. Methods including the media, community outreaches, and empowerment of PWD and their care givers can be utilized to achieve sensitization goals. Also, human rights violations of PWD should deemed unacceptable and criminalized.

What are the effects of the wars on PWD in Uganda?

There have been several political unrests. The most recent was Lord Resistance Army led conflict in different parts of northern Uganda which lasted from 1987 to 2007 creating close to a million internally displaced persons (IDPs) that were subsequently constantly raided by rebels.

One of the greatest effects of this war was the increase in the number of PWD making the challenge insurmountable. Many victims “lucky” enough to be alive suffered physical, sensory, psychological, and emotional trauma, including loss of limbs, sight and hearing due to attacks with weapons and land mines. Physical trauma is often addressed first, however, if mental trauma is left untreated, it may lead to mental illnesses and other post-traumatic stress syndrome disorders. Unfortunately, people with mental illness aren’t often counted as victims of war because their scars aren’t visible. Also, the confinement of PWD in camps where some are still stranded despite the ongoing resettlement programs is another issue with some having increased vulnerability because access to basic services like food and water became more challenging as they can’t reach relief centres.

Many women with disabilities were sexually assaulted. In addition to coping with their severe disabilities, they also had to carry pregnancies to term and be delivered of babies by unidentified rapist fathers that they had to raise alone in a war zone when they clearly have no means to do so. Many acquired HIV/AIDS and access to medicine was and is still very difficult for them. They experienced triple marginalization as women with disabilities living with HIV/AIDS, in addition to the challenges of being in a war torn developing country.

What is being done to arrest the problem?

Unfortunately, even now, the current situation is still bad. However, organizations like CARE, AVIS, World Vision, and CARITAS are providing basic support in terms of food and related necessities. Many women with disabilities also lack mobility devices like wheel chairs, white canes, and hearing devices, which restricts their mobility. This means reaching out to service providers is very complicated or even impossible for them. For example, many PWD still live in camps; and they can’t physically walk to where food is being shared to get their portions. A female PWD I encountered who has 10 kids said she can’t physically walk to receive the portions she should for her and her 10 kids, and even when she does, it’s not enough.

What is being done to resolve the problems? There’s talk about resettlement, however, being in Northern Uganda and interacting with these victims made me realize that the resettlement efforts may not be productive because these victims can’t go home. There’s no thought or effort being put into what these victims will go home to because water, wheel chairs, schools and health care facilities are not being provided for them. Also, confiscated lands, destabilized families and deserted spouses are other issues they must grapple with. Resettlement programs have not clearly addressed the needs of PWD, especially from a gendered perspective. So many PWD are still stranded in “officially” closed camps. Another issue is that a significant number of them are aging which is hastening their marginalization. What’s on the horizon?

I attended President Obama’s town hall meeting on the future of Africa at the White House with over a hundred other African youth where many issues were discussed. My attendance was to highlight the plight of PWD. Also, LAPD is one of the first nonprofit organizations to provide legal assistance specifically for PWD in Africa. We deal with employment, accident claims, child neglect, land and property confiscation, accessibility to public places, discrimination and education. Our preference is for mediation and out of court settlements especially in civil cases. We also conduct public awareness campaigns, electoral sensitization, and we are also helping Uganda revise its laws to match the U.N. Convention on the Rights of PWD, which Uganda has signed and ratified. What laws and policies are needed to help PWD progress?

African countries must enact, repeal, amend, revise and implement disability laws. They should also design workable regulations and guiding policies, utilizing the CRPD model. Currently, many countries have no or conflicting definitions or understanding of disability. Disability concerns are sidelined in legal and policy making interventions, thus PWD are usually left out of strategy generation and implementation sessions. Consequently, the resultant service delivered is inadequate or inappropriate. In reality PWD should be at the forefront. Specialized policies must be generated and introduced in international environments for the policies to be effected. For example, in Uganda there is a National Policy on Disability and the PWD Act, but implementing them is a challenge. Affirmative action is also required by law, and statutes should be enacted for special groups and PWD. The state through its public service should take a lead role in employing PWD, and organizations that employ a significant number of employees may be required to hire members of these special groups.

How do we move forward? PWD are often isolated and conditioned to accept everything and not question anything, even things done to them; subsequently their capacity to make decisions is often greatly impaired. Therefore they must be empowered and encouraged to speak up for themselves and speak out against negative occurrences. For example, a female PWD told me, “There’s a man who comes and rapes me daily, but who can I tell?” In the West this may seem unbelievable, but in Africa it happens because often PWD are not considered human, so crimes against them are ignored by law enforcement agencies. Issues like these need to be addressed. People should challenge perpetrators of crimes on PWD and their inclusion in mainstream society and programs is essential. Also, education and vocational skills training should be made available to enable PWD to become self-sustaining and productive members of the society.

What may people not know about helping PWD in Africa?

The African environment is different from the West; therefore solution providers must have that awareness. For example, I had a wheel chair made in the US which didn’t last because it’s not designed for the rugged African terrain. Also, if it breaks there aren’t replacement parts readily available to repair it.

What can people do to help?

They should help promote, protect, and respect the rights of PWD and teach these tenets to their children and the next generation to ensure continuity. Each of us can make contributions towards the fulfilment of the rights of PWD. Ensuring disability rights begins with you.

Living with a disability is difficult enough; however in a developing African country like Uganda, life is extremely difficult for PWD because they have special needs. Due to wrong perceptions, superstition, ignorance and misinformation, many PWD are often deemed inhuman, negatively stereotyped, discriminated against, abandoned, mistreated, ignored, excluded from society and discouraged from reaching their full potential.

I am sharing Med’s story to generate awareness about PWD in Africa to show that they can become productive professionals who make positive contributions to the society if they are assisted. I hope this article spurs discussion on how they can be assisted by everyone including the government, NGOs, faith organizations, and everyday people. Please think about what you can do for the PWD around you.

The author, Susan E. Majek is a freelance journalist, writer and blogger who has covered many stories, events & personalities. She is a contributor to The Women’s International Perspective (The WIP), Glory International Magazine, Africa News, World Press, African Outlook and several other publications. She is also the Editor-In-Chief of Sociable Susan Magazine , a on-line lifestyle magazine.

When opposition leader Kizza Besigye joined with Museveni as part of the rebel army that helped to oust first idi Amin in ’79 – after a brutai regime that had caused the loss of as many as 400,000 Ugandan lives – and then Miiton abate in 1986, they fought side by side.

Now, some 25 years on – all of which have gone on under the military dictatorship of President Museveni – and Besigye’s opposition to his erstwhile friend has grown stronger than ever, Now, it seems that Besigye is more determined than ever to see Museveni go the same way as his predecessors.

Since the disputed elections in February – the third time Besigye has challenged and failed to overthrow his opponent – he has been arrested four times, received severe beatings and has even been temporarily blinded in one eye as a result. Besigye was partaking in ‘walk-to-work’ protests – set up to challenge the rising cost of fuel and food – at the time of his arrests and many Ugandans have spoken out against the brutality of Museveni’s response.

‘Uganda’s economic stability makes it a good base for doing business. As a fast-growing economy, committed to trade and industrial diversification, it’s very attractive to companies looking to expand into new markets,’ comments Mark Dixon, Global CEO, Regus plc. ‘The new Regus centre in Kampala offers companies the chance to explore the many possibilities here with zero up-front capital and minimal risk – an ideal springboard for entering this exciting market.’

The country’s economy grew by an estimated 5.8% in ‘10, and real GDP growth of 6.1% is predicted in ‘11. Rich in natural resources, the country is still predominantly agricultural, but other opportunities are plentiful: oil reserves have been discovered, and the manufacturing, tourism, mining, ICT and construction sectors are all growing strongly.

The country’s strong trading links with Europe, the Middle East and Asia also make it attractive for companies looking to expand their geographic footprint. Economic partners include the UAE, UK, Switzerland, Germany, India and China as well as neighbouring countries like Kenya and Sudan.

On the country’s economic environment, Professor Maggie Kigozi, Executive Director of the Uganda Investment Authority has this to say about Regus: ‘The Authority is very pleased that Regus is expanding its network to Uganda. The country is at the heart of investment in East Africa, with great investment potential in all sectors The prospects of the Ugandan economy going forward look positive; with continued macroeconomic stability, oil prospects, stable political leadership; Uganda will continue to grow in a bid to reduce poverty as we launch the next drive to becoming a middle-income country.’

Dixon adds, ‘with the developed economies of Western Europe and the US producing negative or minimal growth in recent years, businesses need to find growth from new sources – whether that is in Africa, Asia or other regions. As companies look at these new markets, we’re seeing accelerating demand for our flexible workspaces. In response to this, we’ve expanded our network rapidly in recent months – not just into Uganda, but also Tanzania, and Ghana to name just a few. As the world of work becomes ever more integrated and mobile, and companies more agile, we expect demand for our services to continue to grow in ‘11 and beyond, and we will expand our network accordingly.’

Regus is the world’s largest provider of workplace solutions, with products and services ranging from fully equipped offices to professional meeting rooms, business lounges and the world’s largest network of video communication studios. Customers such as Google, GlaxoSmithKline, and Nokia join hundreds of thousands of growing small and medium businesses that benefit from outsourcing their office and workplace needs to Regus, allowing them to focus on their core activities.

Over 800,000 customers a day benefit from Regus facilities spread across a global footprint of 1,100 locations in 500 cities and 87 countries, which allow individuals and companies to work wherever, however and whenever they want to. Regus was founded in Brussels, Belgium in ‘89, is headquartered in Luxembourg and listed on the London Stock Exchange.

That Museveni won is hardly a surprise. First, he had at his disposal immense state resources, and it appears much of the government’s budget was diverted to campaign use. Despite requesting and receiving a large supplementary budget in January–only halfway through Uganda’s financial year–Finance Minister Syda Bbumba told journalists weeks later that the government was nearly out of cash and that ministries would need to begin emergency cost-cutting measures to remain operational. The president is well known for giving envelopes of cash to key local leaders, and citizens fortunate enough to be in the right place. Observers, including those from the European Union, and from DEMGroup, an alliance of pro-democracy local NGOs described the amount of money in the election as unprecedented.

One of the main reasons for the spending spree, says Daniel Kalinaki, managing editor of the Daily Monitor, Uganda’s only independent daily, is related to the relatively peaceful campaign season compared to previous cycles. The government learned, Kalinaki says, that ‘bribes, unlike bullets, leave no tell-tale marks.’ In ‘06, Besigye and his supporters were frequently jailed and harassed, which may have actually improved the opposition’s support and generated lots of publicity.

The country’s association for journalists (SLAJ) have been campaigning for similar laws in the country to be overturned. ‘Sierra Leone should conform to the norms of civilised standards and repeal the Criminal and Seditious Libel law’, said Umaru Fofana, president of SLAJ P. ‘This is as bad a law today as it has always been, and it is bad for journalists and non-journalists alike’ he continued.

In ‘08, SLAJ sought a judicial review at the Supreme Court of the country’s criminal and seditious libel law as contained in the 1965 Public Order Act. However the court ruled against the case claiming that the law does not put journalists in imminent danger.

Earlier this year, President Bai Koroma reiterated his pledge that was made in his election campaign and during his ‘08 speech at Chatham House promising to repeal the criminal and seditious libel law; nothing concrete has been done by the executive to fulfil this promise after three years in office. Recently again promised to review such laws before the end of his term in 2012.

Critics have argued that Koroma’s reluctance to repeal these laws is a reflection of the many unfulfilled promises of African leaders. It is also a reminder of the leverage of the executive branch in enabling and disabling democracy in Africa.

The courage of the judicial officials, who decided to defy the overarching strength of political leaders in Uganda, however also illustrates the changing power relations amongst executive, legislative and judicial branches in some African countries.

A panel of five judges ruled unanimously that the legislation infringed upon freedom of speech guaranteed by the country’s constitution. The law – which dated back to the days of British colonialism but was officially incorporated into the Ugandan constitution 1995- had previously described sedition as anything spoken of, or written that incited sectarianism and hatred towards the country’s president, executive or judiciary.

Organisations like SLAJ are not alone in their campaigning. Across Africa, there are similar murmurs from bodies that are campaigning for increased flexibility in media laws. The recent Amnesty International report on Rwanda, as well as controversy over legislation in South Africa, Kenya and Chad are also a clear demonstration of this.

Countries like Sierra Leone need to take note of the pace of change in regions like Uganda. It is imperative that African media are guaranteed positive press laws to ensure unfettered probing and investigation, so that political leaders are held to account.

At least 11 people died when the al Qaeda-linked al Shabaab rebels and government forces shelled each other’s positions in the north of the city. Dozens more were injured.

‘Two of our soldiers died in Thursday (3rd June) fighting and five others were injured,’ Manirakiza Adolphe AMISOM’s deputy public information officer told Reuters. ‘The rebels also burnt two of our vehicles.’

Somalia has had no effective central government for 19 years and western efforts to install one have been undermined by the insurgents.

The African Union force has more than 6,000 troops from Uganda and Burundi. More than 30 peacekeepers have been killed in the Somalia conflict since the mission began in ‘07.