After a stop-start journey in the last five years, the big players have arrived: BG group, KPMG, Royal Dutch Shell, Anadarko, Tullow, Petrobras, Ophir, Origin Oil, Total, BP and Aminex. Even the ‘security firms’ such as Cenkos, which previously regarded East Africa (and the Congo) as too swamped in piracy, conflict and uncertainty, said in November last year “East Africa is high risk and hugely expensive. It is also exceptionally rewarding if exploration is successful.” With only 500 oil wells drilled so far (compared to West and North Africa’s 35,000), the estimated value of the gas reserves alone are 100 trillion cubic feet. Petroleum reserves are estimated at 600,000 barrels a day. The factors that have tipped East Africa into the big game, are these.

Ease of Business and smoother democracies

First of all the creation of the East African Community has theoretically opened up trade borders and lessened tariffs. Secondly there have been technological advances both in mapping seismic faults and geographical areas that were previously unreachable, the economic risks of drilling have reduced. Thirdly, there is a concerted and obvious effort by East and Central African governments to sort out internal conflicts and engage more rigorously with the West, whose escalating oil prices have forced them to be more compliant. For the Mozamibiquan, Kenyan, Tanzanian, Sudanese, Somali, Puntland and Ugandan governments, the potential gains from oil, gas and mineral exploration are huge incentives to come to the table.

Wads of Cash

But most importantly, there is cash. US$ 2.1 trillion is needed for investment in African oil and gas supply infrastructure (refineries, roads, whole towns, ports,) between 2010-2035. This is where Africa’s burgeoning love affair with China becomes important. Previously smaller ‘wildcat’ oil explorers had the skills, but not the funds to take it to the next stage. Since the Africa Oil Week in South Africa in November last year, there have been a succession of buyouts of these smaller firms. China has proved its technical expertise in major projects all over Africa, from airports to the recent The Lamu Port and Lamu Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor (LAPSSET) developments, and has proved itself cheap, fast, reliable. China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC)has pledged to invest, although exact figures are impossible to locate. As establishment and US darling Oxford economist Professor Paul Collier remarks: “Future discoveries and resulting exports of resources including oil and gas will be around five times their current levels, based on what remains unexplored in Africa versus currently known sub-soil assets.” His sentiments are echoed by Adrian Heavey, CEO of Tullow, a prominent name in West and East African exploration: “This is a vital step towards the development of the Lake Albert Rift Basin and the oil and gas industry in Uganda and East Africa. I look forward to working in partnership with the Government of Uganda and CNOOC and Total as we progress this world-class asset.”

MYOPIA: People, Resources and Marine Ecosystems

Yet there is a staggering amount of myopia and short-sightedness. Have we learnt nothing from Ghana, Angola and Nigeria, where bitter battles, inconsistent petroleum regulation, weak civil society, existing conflicts exacerbated by oil, and deaths (and losses to shareholders) have shown it’s impossible to invest in oil/gas/mineral exploitation without ‘exploring local capacity’ as the jargon goes? In other words making sure the people that already live in the area are consulted, and have a share in decision making and profits. And being mindful of existing conservation stresses, and potential ecological problems.

It’s hard to know where to start. Most of East Africa has no regulatory frameworks in place for oil and mineral resources exploitation. Or if they have, there is an abject lack of willpower to implement them. Selous in Tanzania, the Albertine Rift and Murchison Falls National Park in Uganda, and Virunga National Park in Rwanda have all had Environmental Assessments or management plans which have not been adhered to or implemented. This is something which international marine organizations Ocean Conservation Group ( OCEANA) and the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) would like to rectify. So at the moment, unlike USA, Europe and some of the Pacific countries, there is no obligation to implement detailed environmental impact surveys.

The coastal regions (from Somaliland in the North to Mozambique) are acknowledged to be some of the most vulnerable sea areas in the world. WWF and the United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP) are already concerned about myriad of issues: from coastal mangroves, to turtles, whale sharks, torpoises, dolphins, rays, over 400 types of corals, seagrass, to overfishing. Says Dr Amani Ngusaru of the WWF “The resources of coastal East Africa are coming more and more under threat from rapid population growth, increased resource exploitation, unplanned development and climate change, burgeoning cities such as Mombasa, Dar es Salaam are threatening the very resource base that sustains them.”

The perils of oil spills are visible and high profile, in fact it is the planned building around the ports, which will cause the most damage. Oil spills upon marine environments are dwarfed by those of pollutants introduced from other sources (including domestic sewage, industrial discharges, leakages from waste tips, urban and industrial run-off, accidents, spillage, explosions, sea dumping operations, oil production, mining, agriculture nutrients and pesticides, waste heat sources, and radioactive discharges). Land based sources are estimated to account for around 44 percent of the pollutants entering the sea and atmospheric inputs account for an estimated 33 percent. By contrast, maritime transport accounts only for around 12 percent .

Accidents will Happen

In Jan 2012 Exxon Mobile – announced its staggering annual profits of $41.1 billion, yet no plans are in place to either enforce action plans or responses for oil spills, in any of the areas allocated for deep or shallow water drilling. Yet just recently, the oil giant BP agreed to pay $7.8bn to settle claims from an estimated 110,000 victims of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. In the last six years there have been four major oil spills, resulting in an estimated 100 billion gallons of oil into the sea.

Oceana, the largest international global ocean advocacy group says that currently, as well as relying on financial insurances, companies can pass along much of their cleanup costs to the domestic taxpayer when faced with disaster. Talking about the recent BP spill, Jacqueline Savitz, senior campaign director at Oceana says: “Taking the lives of 11 people, injuring many more, destroying tourism and fisheries industries, spilling 200 million gallons of oil and killing hundreds of turtles, dolphins and other ocean life is not, and should never be, considered a normal cost of doing business. It is bad business, and not what was intended when the tax write-off was established.” Given the poor record of citizen engagement in African countries, and the dubious taxing situation (allegedly 85% of Africa’s taxes remain unpaid) and the sometimes weak and collaborative media, it is highly unlikely the mechanisms will be in place to protect the populations of the coastal regions, who are already politically, economically and socially marginalised.

Even when data is forthcoming, it is so daunting, it is a huge task to tackle it. According to the Western Indian Ocean Marine Science Association (WIOMSA)/UNEP ‘Science 2008 Marine Survey.’ 40% is the amount of the ocean heavily affected by environmental mismanagement, 50% Amount of coral reefs heavily damaged, and 0.5% (850,000 square miles) of the ocean floor are very heavily affected. Only 4% of the entire ocean shows no traces of human impact.”

On Shakey Ground

On terra firma there are also problems. In Uganda three British firms, Tullow, Tower and Dominion are all exploring the Albertine Rift, a lake area.2- 2.5 billion barrels of oil have already been discovered. This is a vulnerable area of skirmishes with DRC rebels: over 100 people have been kidnapped in this area in attacks linked to fights over ransoms, minerals and oil. The most recent attack on the border town Mutungo on 2 August 2011 by the Mai-Mai militia displaced 70,000 residents. At a local level, villagers are concerned. Florence Landsberg of the World Resources Institute explains: “The fish stock is already at risk, because there is more catching of fish that are not mature. The upgrade of the roads has allowed for more fish to be exported. The restocking of the fish is not going to happen if there is no intervention”. Says Peter Viet, also of WRI “ Many scientists will tell you that the Albertine Rift is the most biologically diverse area in all of Africa. There are national parks, wildlife sanctuaries, forest reserves, and there already is some impact on these protected areas. For example, there is drilling in Murchison Falls National Park, even though many public interest environmental lawyers in Uganda will tell you that the law does not allow that. Kenneth Kakuru of Greenwatch filed a pleading in the High Court over extractive resource industries in national parks. (His case was rejected). There have been discussions on de-gazetting one of the parks to make way for an oil refinery. There is also talk of a pipeline that would take the oil to Mombassa that would have effects on biodiversity. And there is evidence oil workers are poaching inside protected areas. He adds that Achioli and Bunyoro people, local to the area, are selling up fast, at below market prices, scared that the government will not recompense them adequately.

There is further controversy in the area, according to a recent article on Pambazuka; “ A vicious land grab,’ Allimadi writes, ‘is being carried out in Uganda, pairing the country’s leader with an ‘investor,’ and the targets are the Acholi, genocide survivors who live in the northern part of the East African country, on abundant, fertile and mineral-rich land.’

Existing Lack of Resources for Citizens:

None of the existing plans to extract oil, gas and petroleum come with concrete systematic plans to provide for the communities in the area, beyond some references to providing local jobs in some cases. The threats to forests (due to charcoal and firewood exploitation) and erratic provision of electricity are well known in East Africa. Drilling down to basics, Erica Mackey, Co-Founder of Off-Grid Electric in Tanznia, says “Generally, people in Africa suffer from an expensive electrical grid, an unreliable grid, or have no electrical grid at all. Increasing the amount of raw materials extracted from the continent is not going to automatically increase infrastructure access, decrease transportation costs or ultimately extend the electrical grid to the 90% of East Africans who live without a connection.” She goes onto add: “If the goal of energy exploration is to actually increase energy access in Africa rather than the developed world, then the focus has to shift to include renewables. In addition to exploring the continent for oil, gas and coal, international investors should look at ways to finance business models that provide clean power as a key component to the future of Africa’s power provision”.

(Mostly) Angry locals- lack of consultation

Despite high tech imaging of geological deposits, pictures of the sea from space, the reality is we don’t have an accurate record of the approximately 50 million pastoralists and 200 million who depend on the sea and land for their livelihoods in Africa. There is no documented record of contacting these communities in the regions mentioned for their views on oil and gas exploration.

Thousands of miles away, on the Kenya coast of Mombassa, tucked between the new port of Lamu and Tanga, there is considerable trouble brewing: The Mombassa Republican Council, a secessionist movement, wants autonomy from Kenya. They are popular in the area, where there is high illiteracy rates, the presence of Al Shabaab, low rates of enrolment in schools and universities, and a sense they have been abandoned by Nairobi. Land tenure is ambiguous or is not officially recognised. More than 60 per cent of indigenous coastal people do not possess title deeds to their land. Others have entered into a kind of quasi squatter-tenant agreement with land owners. The problems of local fishermen and farmers have been well documented by local NGO’s, as they compete with trawler fishing, and larger super-boats that can pinpoint shoals, leaving fishermen with paddles in dugout canoes, floundering.

Their situation, despite riots and four deaths in December 2011, goes unreported in national media. Ditto the situation in North Kenya: hours away from the capital Nairobi, where news editors and reporters, constrained by tiny budgets and tight deadlines, are unable to go and see for themselves. There are rumours presently circulating that valuable archaeological deposits in Turkana, North Kenya, have been already destroyed through oil exploration. However no organisations want to be identified with ‘squealing’ so the situation remains unreported in local press: a local journalist was murdered in Loliondo, reporting on land grabs two years ago.

A glimmer of hope

Many of the issues these people in the East African Coastal regions face are similar to those in Puntland, Somalia, where resources are seized upon, in a dearth of opportunities.

In Puntland, local leaders under the Transitional Government are bucking the trend. Aware that no mechanisms exist to make sure money flows into the region, they are however, in an optimistic mood. Farah Hassan Atosh, a traditional elder and resident of Armo town, 28km northwest of an oil field, said: “We are expecting great things. It will change our lives for the better. Insh’Allah [God willing] we will never depend on others to give us food again.” He said that change was already happening in Armo town (population 25,000). “You can see many more people arriving every day and it can only add to the development of the town.” Drilling for oil began in January 2012. Said Atosh,”We not only support it, we will defend it from anyone who wants to stop it.” He said the project was also contributing to peace-building in the area. “They are employing many young men who would have been idle and easy prey for recruitment into militias.”

Lack of Financial accountability: have we learned nothing?

In Tanzania, there are mechanisms in place to regulate, but according to regional environmental consultants, (who prefer to remain unnamed) there is little will power to implement them and ministers rapidly forget about their commitments. Track records of environmental investigations in Selous, Stiegler’s Gorge dam, Kidunda dam and Mkuju River uranium mine and oil exploration do not bode well: they are dusty reports on shelves somewhere. Pweza, Chewa and Chaza wells have been drilled in deepwater in the northern part of the Ruvuma Basin and the Mafia Deep Offshore Basin held by BG and Ophir Energy. The Chinese government is providing Tanzania with a $1.06-billion loan to construct new infrastructure, which includes a new gas pipeline, feeder roads and telecoms. All these areas are deemed ecologically vulnerable, and there is no public record of community consultation or mechanisms to ensure profits flow back into community development.

One of the main problems is tracking the money: the investments, and ways to prevent a small elite benefiting. Again, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda have poor records. In East Africa, only companies registered with the Securities and Exchange Commission (in the USA) are required to submit financial reports. Even then as in Uganda, local ministers and judges ensure disclosure of documents relating to oil is kept out of the public sphere.

Meanwhile, the Mara River is an international river, shared between Kenya and Tanzania. The mining areas will impinge upon the dwindling Mara River Basin and draw valuable and scarce water. The basin is about 13,750 km2, of which about 65% is located in Kenya and 35% in Tanzania. The Mara River runs through the Masai Mara Game Reserve on the Kenyan side and the Serengeti National Park on the Tanzanian side, both of global conservation significance and of great economic importance for tourism. “Over 80% of Africa’s lions have been displaced due to environmental changes” says Richard Anderson in an article on the BBC in November 2010.

A recent, (Oct 2010) UNEP report, The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity (Teeb), put the damage done to the natural world by human activity in 2008 at between $2tn (£1.3tn) and $4.5tn. A second study, for the UN-backed Principles for Responsible Investment (PRI), puts the costs at $6.6tn, or 11% of global economic output.

It looks like we are no way reversing the trend.

Thembi Mutch

A report published by Oxfam highlighted that more than twenty two thousand people have been evicted, some facing a violent upheaval and others having no form of compensation.

Members of the Aid Agency have requested to see the sites where violent eviction has taken place. One man has stated that he was forced to give his cattle to NFC staff, and in order to have them returned he had to make a payment. Since doing so he has received a full refund.

As well as this, Citizens in Mubende and Kibogo districts voiced their concerns over the harassment and intimidation they have faced from NFC staff.

The International Aid Agency has also received reports stating that members of the NFC have been questioning individuals that have spoken to the media about their evictions.

Oxfam’s Chief Executive Barbara Stocking said, ‘Many people in these communities are clearly feeling intimidated by the actions of NFC, which are totally at odds with the principles of an independent and transparent investigation. They have already lost their homes and land and many have been subjected to violent behaviour. They need a credible investigation not further pressure. NFC must show that they are serious about the allegations that have been made.’

Oxfam have requested for an independent chairperson and investigatory body to be in charge to avoid company workers undermining the process and to ensure that the affected citizens are protected. These allegations have left the NFC with no option; they need to run an independent investigation.

Uganda is one of eight countries where Idasa-GAP, with local partners, has been collating information on the regional impact of HIV and AIDS. Research has focused upon the potential of local government institutions to deliver the services expected by its citizenry, local perspectives of financing and spending towards HIV and AIDS, and AIDS-induced exclusion from social, political and economic life.

The conclusions were presented at a consultative meeting in Uganda’s capital Kampala on 13 September, with politicians, government officials and civil society organisations from the HIV/AIDS and governance sectors in attendance. Keynotes speaker and country director of the Alliance of Mayors and Municipal Leaders on HIV/AIDS in Africa (AMICAALL), Dr John Mugisa, said good governance was central to responsive HIV and AIDS governance.

‘As long as responses developed at the national level are not operational on a local level we will not move forward in responding to the needs of ordinary citizens affected by the epidemic.’ he said.

The data also points to several systemic and structural challenges facing local governments, like inadequate capacity to manage local affairs and to cope with the new demands emerging from HIV and AIDS related services. The report notes that some leaders lack the experience and skills to handle the ‘dynamics and complexities’ of HIV and AIDS.

Whilst the findings are hugely encouraging and represent a changing attitude towards AIDS and HIV in the country, Uganda’s past elections have been characteristically dogged by allegations of rigged elections, voter intimidation and media bias; so it is unclear whether these views will be reflected in future polls.

Al-Amin Kimathi and four others were freed at the start of their trial which began on Monday 12th Sept.

Amnesty International’s Africa Deputy Programme director Michelle Kagari commented that the release was ‘long overdue’.

NGO Director Al-Amin Kimathi was arrested along with Kenyan lawyer Mbugua Mureithi en route to Uganda last September. Both men had been planning to attend the trial of six Kenyans who had been arrested for their involvement in a bomb attack in Kampala last July. The attack targeted a group watching the 2010 football World Cup final, killing 76 and injuring many more.

Whilst Mureithi was released after three days and deported back to Kenya, Kimathi was held without contact for six days before being indicted with terrorism and murder on 21 September.

Kimathi, head of the Muslim Human Rights Forum and an active human rights advocate, was held for almost a year in pre-trial detention. During this time no specific evidence pertaining to his involvement in the bombings was ever produced by the Ugandan authorities.

Kagari confirms that this ‘strongly suggests that the terrorism charges were simply a pretext to detain him for carrying out his human rights work.’

Authorities deported and restricted the work of human rights activists, lawyers and organisations such as Amnesty in monitoring the case against Kimathi and his treatment whilst imprisoned.

Following his release, it has been reported that Kimathi may sue for wrongful arrest.

It is graduation season, and one recent graduate, a Ford Foundation International Fellow, who recently completed his International Legal Studies Program at American University’s Washington College of Law, recently stood taller than all the other graduates, at least in my mind, as he received his Master of Laws degree. However, in reality; disabled Ugandan lawyer, Med Ssengooba doesn’t stand at all. In fact his mobility is effected by a wheel chair. I was fortunate to meet him at an event titled Challenges Of Living With A Disability In Africa: A Legal Approach organized by The African Justice Initiative, a group created to highlight, raise awareness and create discourse on African issues from a legal perspective headed by Nana Yaa Anyane-Yeboa at his school, where he spoke about the challenges of being a Person(s) With Disabilities (PWD) in Uganda. Below are excerpts.

Who is Med Ssengooba?

I was born in 1981 into a very large typical Ugandan family. During this period, polio was at its height in Uganda and the situation was exacerbated by political unrest. In 1984 at the age of 3, I contracted the disease and suffered from the resultant paralysis and hence became a PWD whose mobility is wheel chair dependent.

After years of treatment, I began my education at seven years old, which was late compared to other children, but at the time there were a few nursery schools that would accept children with disabilities. I later attended a special needs school for children with physical disabilities for my primary education. Studying in a specialized school seemed better to me because the physical environment was more accessible, and I had a no questions to answer from fellow students as we were all PWD. Receiving a secondary and university education was very challenging, as I had to cope with a very disability unfriendly environment, including teachers with little or no special education skills and some who seemed bothered by having a disabled student in their classroom.

As a student with a physical disability, and a wheelchair user, my education has been hampered by many factors beyond my school fees, many of which my scholarships couldn’t help. I have experienced several types of disability based discrimination. For example, I almost lost a year of high school because schools weren’t interested in admitting a wheelchair bound student who had better grades than most of their students. Access to school facilities has always been very difficult and sometimes impossible for me. Most schools don’t have handicap accessible toilets, meaning I’d have to restrain myself for the day. Classrooms, libraries and dormitories weren’t any better. I faced reoccurring accessibility and negative behavioural situations, which always carry extra financial and psychological costs all through my undergraduate education till I received my post graduate diploma. I cannot measure the impact such situations like writing exams without being given extra time, and being lifted on steps by kind but untrained people and the associated risks of injury involved have had on my academic grades. These inconveniences caused by very limited accommodation of PWD questions the saying, “Disability is not inability,” because they directly impact one’s grades, which are subsequently used to measure one’s intellectual abilities.

My experiences as a PWD and an advocate for disability rights have exposed me to numerous human rights violations that PWD endure, most of which are unchallenged. Our society excludes and construes PWD in a demeaning way. PWD are victims of myths and superstitions, are objects of ridicule and are branded with demeaning names like “Kasiru,” which in Luganda, the Ugandan language, literately means a deaf person, but loosely translated means “stupid.”

It should be noted that like in many other parts of the world, a number of positive changes are taking effect to positively impact the lives of PWD in Africa. These changes have seen a few PWD like me acquire an education and assume leadership positions. However, there still remains much to be done to improve the lives of PWD at the family, society, state and national levels. Such combined efforts have had proven successful results. For example, in my case, my parents sponsored and facilitated my education till I finished high school. I then won a government scholarship for my undergraduate law degree and a Ford Foundation Scholarship for my Master of Laws degree. This shows the relevance of coordinated efforts between different actors, which if adopted by all sectors including the employment and health sectors, independent living will become a reality for many more PWD, which will in turn positively impact the nation.

What are the realities of PWD in Africa?

I am an attorney in Uganda, but I am an exception not the norm. In Uganda, as in many other parts of Africa, disabilities are associated with evil spirits, curses, and punishment for the wrong deeds of one’s parents or ancestors. There’s little understanding that a PWD is a human being who is equal to everyone else in society and is entitled to all the same rights, privileges, and opportunities. PWD are often totally dependent on others who often don’t treat them well. They usually have no means to effectively manage their disability and the related needs including mobility devices, medication and regular medical treatment. Many PWD have no capacity to decide their fate and are abandoned in the rural areas, where they stay poor, helpless, neglected and betrayed by their family and community members who should protect them.

Generally, PWD in Africa lack access to public and government facilities including health centers, schools and legal centers like police stations and courts. The majority of PWD are uneducated and vocationally unskilled, so they are mostly unemployed. Those who do receive an opportunity to earn an income are destined for menial jobs. This partly explains the large numbers of disabled beggars on the streets of many capital cities of African countries.

PWD are often left homeless and live on the streets where they are even more vulnerable. Most endure unwanted conflicts, assaults and batteries. Female PWD also endure sexual exploitation. As a result of rape and defilement, many have contacted HIV/AIDS. Unwanted pregnancies have also resulted from such situations and the additional burden of raising fatherless children alone is added to their already difficult lives.

What are current disability trends in Africa?

Fortunately, international civil society organizations have prioritized PWD by targeting it either directly or indirectly in many programs they support in Africa. The trend is now formation of associations and partnerships such as Disabled Persons Organizations (DPOs), Community Based Organizations (CBOs) and International partnerships with donors, the community and advocacy based agencies. For example, the non-profit organization where I’m an administrator, Legal Action for Persons with Disabilities (LAPD), was receiving financial and technical support in its legal aid service provision to PWD in Uganda from different actors from the US, UK, and Denmark.

Legislative and policy measures on disability are currently under way. Countries like Uganda, South Africa, Ghana, and Tanzania, have either enacted laws on disability or restructured their domestic laws to reflect disability needs. Numerous policies and strategies have been generated to guide disability work in several African countries. Many countries have included and captured disability performance data because of the Millennium Development Goals, which has necessitated the need to report to numerous human rights committees and other groups.

International Conventions such as the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of PWD (CRPD) have guided laws on disabilities in countries like Uganda and Tanzania. While a lot still needs to be done to implement and fine-tune these laws to reflect the real intentions of the authors, there’s now a ray of hope. The CRPD has led to the creation of numerous disability rights agencies sponsoring disability work inAfrica and some offer technical support. They include Disability Rights Fund (DRF),   Open Society Institute’s (OSI) Disability Rights Initiative (DRI), and International Disability Alliance’s (IDA) CRPD Forum, all of which are targeting effective and full implementation of human rights enhancement for PWD worldwide based on the UNCRPD. Also, there are now enhanced conceptualizations of disabilities from a human rights perspective, and national human rights commissions have established units on disabilities in Uganda, Nigeria, South Africa and Ghana.

What type of sensitization is needed?

Changing wrong perceptions about PWD is absolutely necessary. Understanding disability from a human rights perspective as being similar to a patient with care needs and utilizing suitable approaches in handling disability concerns is necessary. Methods including the media, community outreaches, and empowerment of PWD and their care givers can be utilized to achieve sensitization goals. Also, human rights violations of PWD should deemed unacceptable and criminalized.

What are the effects of the wars on PWD in Uganda?

There have been several political unrests. The most recent was Lord Resistance Army led conflict in different parts of northern Uganda which lasted from 1987 to 2007 creating close to a million internally displaced persons (IDPs) that were subsequently constantly raided by rebels.

One of the greatest effects of this war was the increase in the number of PWD making the challenge insurmountable. Many victims “lucky” enough to be alive suffered physical, sensory, psychological, and emotional trauma, including loss of limbs, sight and hearing due to attacks with weapons and land mines. Physical trauma is often addressed first, however, if mental trauma is left untreated, it may lead to mental illnesses and other post-traumatic stress syndrome disorders. Unfortunately, people with mental illness aren’t often counted as victims of war because their scars aren’t visible. Also, the confinement of PWD in camps where some are still stranded despite the ongoing resettlement programs is another issue with some having increased vulnerability because access to basic services like food and water became more challenging as they can’t reach relief centres.

Many women with disabilities were sexually assaulted. In addition to coping with their severe disabilities, they also had to carry pregnancies to term and be delivered of babies by unidentified rapist fathers that they had to raise alone in a war zone when they clearly have no means to do so. Many acquired HIV/AIDS and access to medicine was and is still very difficult for them. They experienced triple marginalization as women with disabilities living with HIV/AIDS, in addition to the challenges of being in a war torn developing country.

What is being done to arrest the problem?

Unfortunately, even now, the current situation is still bad. However, organizations like CARE, AVIS, World Vision, and CARITAS are providing basic support in terms of food and related necessities. Many women with disabilities also lack mobility devices like wheel chairs, white canes, and hearing devices, which restricts their mobility. This means reaching out to service providers is very complicated or even impossible for them. For example, many PWD still live in camps; and they can’t physically walk to where food is being shared to get their portions. A female PWD I encountered who has 10 kids said she can’t physically walk to receive the portions she should for her and her 10 kids, and even when she does, it’s not enough.

What is being done to resolve the problems? There’s talk about resettlement, however, being in Northern Uganda and interacting with these victims made me realize that the resettlement efforts may not be productive because these victims can’t go home. There’s no thought or effort being put into what these victims will go home to because water, wheel chairs, schools and health care facilities are not being provided for them. Also, confiscated lands, destabilized families and deserted spouses are other issues they must grapple with. Resettlement programs have not clearly addressed the needs of PWD, especially from a gendered perspective. So many PWD are still stranded in “officially” closed camps. Another issue is that a significant number of them are aging which is hastening their marginalization. What’s on the horizon?

I attended President Obama’s town hall meeting on the future of Africa at the White House with over a hundred other African youth where many issues were discussed. My attendance was to highlight the plight of PWD. Also, LAPD is one of the first nonprofit organizations to provide legal assistance specifically for PWD in Africa. We deal with employment, accident claims, child neglect, land and property confiscation, accessibility to public places, discrimination and education. Our preference is for mediation and out of court settlements especially in civil cases. We also conduct public awareness campaigns, electoral sensitization, and we are also helping Uganda revise its laws to match the U.N. Convention on the Rights of PWD, which Uganda has signed and ratified. What laws and policies are needed to help PWD progress?

African countries must enact, repeal, amend, revise and implement disability laws. They should also design workable regulations and guiding policies, utilizing the CRPD model. Currently, many countries have no or conflicting definitions or understanding of disability. Disability concerns are sidelined in legal and policy making interventions, thus PWD are usually left out of strategy generation and implementation sessions. Consequently, the resultant service delivered is inadequate or inappropriate. In reality PWD should be at the forefront. Specialized policies must be generated and introduced in international environments for the policies to be effected. For example, in Uganda there is a National Policy on Disability and the PWD Act, but implementing them is a challenge. Affirmative action is also required by law, and statutes should be enacted for special groups and PWD. The state through its public service should take a lead role in employing PWD, and organizations that employ a significant number of employees may be required to hire members of these special groups.

How do we move forward? PWD are often isolated and conditioned to accept everything and not question anything, even things done to them; subsequently their capacity to make decisions is often greatly impaired. Therefore they must be empowered and encouraged to speak up for themselves and speak out against negative occurrences. For example, a female PWD told me, “There’s a man who comes and rapes me daily, but who can I tell?” In the West this may seem unbelievable, but in Africa it happens because often PWD are not considered human, so crimes against them are ignored by law enforcement agencies. Issues like these need to be addressed. People should challenge perpetrators of crimes on PWD and their inclusion in mainstream society and programs is essential. Also, education and vocational skills training should be made available to enable PWD to become self-sustaining and productive members of the society.

What may people not know about helping PWD in Africa?

The African environment is different from the West; therefore solution providers must have that awareness. For example, I had a wheel chair made in the US which didn’t last because it’s not designed for the rugged African terrain. Also, if it breaks there aren’t replacement parts readily available to repair it.

What can people do to help?

They should help promote, protect, and respect the rights of PWD and teach these tenets to their children and the next generation to ensure continuity. Each of us can make contributions towards the fulfilment of the rights of PWD. Ensuring disability rights begins with you.

Living with a disability is difficult enough; however in a developing African country like Uganda, life is extremely difficult for PWD because they have special needs. Due to wrong perceptions, superstition, ignorance and misinformation, many PWD are often deemed inhuman, negatively stereotyped, discriminated against, abandoned, mistreated, ignored, excluded from society and discouraged from reaching their full potential.

I am sharing Med’s story to generate awareness about PWD in Africa to show that they can become productive professionals who make positive contributions to the society if they are assisted. I hope this article spurs discussion on how they can be assisted by everyone including the government, NGOs, faith organizations, and everyday people. Please think about what you can do for the PWD around you.

The author, Susan E. Majek is a freelance journalist, writer and blogger who has covered many stories, events & personalities. She is a contributor to The Women’s International Perspective (The WIP), Glory International Magazine, Africa News, World Press, African Outlook and several other publications. She is also the Editor-In-Chief of Sociable Susan Magazine , a on-line lifestyle magazine.

When opposition leader Kizza Besigye joined with Museveni as part of the rebel army that helped to oust first idi Amin in ’79 – after a brutai regime that had caused the loss of as many as 400,000 Ugandan lives – and then Miiton abate in 1986, they fought side by side.

Now, some 25 years on – all of which have gone on under the military dictatorship of President Museveni – and Besigye’s opposition to his erstwhile friend has grown stronger than ever, Now, it seems that Besigye is more determined than ever to see Museveni go the same way as his predecessors.

Since the disputed elections in February – the third time Besigye has challenged and failed to overthrow his opponent – he has been arrested four times, received severe beatings and has even been temporarily blinded in one eye as a result. Besigye was partaking in ‘walk-to-work’ protests – set up to challenge the rising cost of fuel and food – at the time of his arrests and many Ugandans have spoken out against the brutality of Museveni’s response.

‘Uganda’s economic stability makes it a good base for doing business. As a fast-growing economy, committed to trade and industrial diversification, it’s very attractive to companies looking to expand into new markets,’ comments Mark Dixon, Global CEO, Regus plc. ‘The new Regus centre in Kampala offers companies the chance to explore the many possibilities here with zero up-front capital and minimal risk – an ideal springboard for entering this exciting market.’

The country’s economy grew by an estimated 5.8% in ‘10, and real GDP growth of 6.1% is predicted in ‘11. Rich in natural resources, the country is still predominantly agricultural, but other opportunities are plentiful: oil reserves have been discovered, and the manufacturing, tourism, mining, ICT and construction sectors are all growing strongly.

The country’s strong trading links with Europe, the Middle East and Asia also make it attractive for companies looking to expand their geographic footprint. Economic partners include the UAE, UK, Switzerland, Germany, India and China as well as neighbouring countries like Kenya and Sudan.

On the country’s economic environment, Professor Maggie Kigozi, Executive Director of the Uganda Investment Authority has this to say about Regus: ‘The Authority is very pleased that Regus is expanding its network to Uganda. The country is at the heart of investment in East Africa, with great investment potential in all sectors The prospects of the Ugandan economy going forward look positive; with continued macroeconomic stability, oil prospects, stable political leadership; Uganda will continue to grow in a bid to reduce poverty as we launch the next drive to becoming a middle-income country.’

Dixon adds, ‘with the developed economies of Western Europe and the US producing negative or minimal growth in recent years, businesses need to find growth from new sources – whether that is in Africa, Asia or other regions. As companies look at these new markets, we’re seeing accelerating demand for our flexible workspaces. In response to this, we’ve expanded our network rapidly in recent months – not just into Uganda, but also Tanzania, and Ghana to name just a few. As the world of work becomes ever more integrated and mobile, and companies more agile, we expect demand for our services to continue to grow in ‘11 and beyond, and we will expand our network accordingly.’

Regus is the world’s largest provider of workplace solutions, with products and services ranging from fully equipped offices to professional meeting rooms, business lounges and the world’s largest network of video communication studios. Customers such as Google, GlaxoSmithKline, and Nokia join hundreds of thousands of growing small and medium businesses that benefit from outsourcing their office and workplace needs to Regus, allowing them to focus on their core activities.

Over 800,000 customers a day benefit from Regus facilities spread across a global footprint of 1,100 locations in 500 cities and 87 countries, which allow individuals and companies to work wherever, however and whenever they want to. Regus was founded in Brussels, Belgium in ‘89, is headquartered in Luxembourg and listed on the London Stock Exchange.

That Museveni won is hardly a surprise. First, he had at his disposal immense state resources, and it appears much of the government’s budget was diverted to campaign use. Despite requesting and receiving a large supplementary budget in January–only halfway through Uganda’s financial year–Finance Minister Syda Bbumba told journalists weeks later that the government was nearly out of cash and that ministries would need to begin emergency cost-cutting measures to remain operational. The president is well known for giving envelopes of cash to key local leaders, and citizens fortunate enough to be in the right place. Observers, including those from the European Union, and from DEMGroup, an alliance of pro-democracy local NGOs described the amount of money in the election as unprecedented.

One of the main reasons for the spending spree, says Daniel Kalinaki, managing editor of the Daily Monitor, Uganda’s only independent daily, is related to the relatively peaceful campaign season compared to previous cycles. The government learned, Kalinaki says, that ‘bribes, unlike bullets, leave no tell-tale marks.’ In ‘06, Besigye and his supporters were frequently jailed and harassed, which may have actually improved the opposition’s support and generated lots of publicity.

The country’s association for journalists (SLAJ) have been campaigning for similar laws in the country to be overturned. ‘Sierra Leone should conform to the norms of civilised standards and repeal the Criminal and Seditious Libel law’, said Umaru Fofana, president of SLAJ P. ‘This is as bad a law today as it has always been, and it is bad for journalists and non-journalists alike’ he continued.

In ‘08, SLAJ sought a judicial review at the Supreme Court of the country’s criminal and seditious libel law as contained in the 1965 Public Order Act. However the court ruled against the case claiming that the law does not put journalists in imminent danger.

Earlier this year, President Bai Koroma reiterated his pledge that was made in his election campaign and during his ‘08 speech at Chatham House promising to repeal the criminal and seditious libel law; nothing concrete has been done by the executive to fulfil this promise after three years in office. Recently again promised to review such laws before the end of his term in 2012.

Critics have argued that Koroma’s reluctance to repeal these laws is a reflection of the many unfulfilled promises of African leaders. It is also a reminder of the leverage of the executive branch in enabling and disabling democracy in Africa.

The courage of the judicial officials, who decided to defy the overarching strength of political leaders in Uganda, however also illustrates the changing power relations amongst executive, legislative and judicial branches in some African countries.

A panel of five judges ruled unanimously that the legislation infringed upon freedom of speech guaranteed by the country’s constitution. The law – which dated back to the days of British colonialism but was officially incorporated into the Ugandan constitution 1995- had previously described sedition as anything spoken of, or written that incited sectarianism and hatred towards the country’s president, executive or judiciary.

Organisations like SLAJ are not alone in their campaigning. Across Africa, there are similar murmurs from bodies that are campaigning for increased flexibility in media laws. The recent Amnesty International report on Rwanda, as well as controversy over legislation in South Africa, Kenya and Chad are also a clear demonstration of this.

Countries like Sierra Leone need to take note of the pace of change in regions like Uganda. It is imperative that African media are guaranteed positive press laws to ensure unfettered probing and investigation, so that political leaders are held to account.

At least 11 people died when the al Qaeda-linked al Shabaab rebels and government forces shelled each other’s positions in the north of the city. Dozens more were injured.

‘Two of our soldiers died in Thursday (3rd June) fighting and five others were injured,’ Manirakiza Adolphe AMISOM’s deputy public information officer told Reuters. ‘The rebels also burnt two of our vehicles.’

Somalia has had no effective central government for 19 years and western efforts to install one have been undermined by the insurgents.

The African Union force has more than 6,000 troops from Uganda and Burundi. More than 30 peacekeepers have been killed in the Somalia conflict since the mission began in ‘07.